The Conservative Party has begun a journey down the path of pointlessness, former Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron said: “I am absolutely clear a referendum is a referendum, it’s a once in a generation, once in a lifetime opportunity and the result determines the outcome... You can’t have neverendums, you have referendums.”

The self-proclaimed Liberal-conservative, David Cameron also confidently vowed: “no ifs, no buts” regarding reducing immigration to the tens of thousands. To more recent times, Theresa May has sworn that the United Kingdom is departing the European Union on the 29th March 2019, which, of course, as you know, has not happened. After almost three years of so-called 'Brexit negotiations', Britain is no closer to leaving the EU, in fact, there is a chance the pro-Remain establishment will try to overturn the result of the referendum and force through a second referendum on the UK's membership of the European Union.

The Tories are literally ripping themselves apart over Brexit, a weak and indecisive leader, a 'broad church' segregated between pro-Brexit and pro-EU factions, the so-called Conservative no longer represents conservative values or politics. Traditional Tory voters and supporters are undoubtedly intending on voting for parties that more closely align their views and respect their democratic vote. The Conservative Party is soft on Brexit, Law & Order, Immigration, and due to Theresa May, they are effectively sharing sovereignty with Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party.

The Derbyshire County Branch of the Conservative Party are refusing to take part in the EU elections, the Conservative group on Derbyshire County Council have backed a motion against standing candidates in the upcoming EU elections. Traditional Tory voters, members and supporters feel completely betrayed by a Conservative Party which has been dominated by the likes of Theresa May, David Cameron and the liberal wing of the party.

The liberal Tories of today have become arrogant, lazy and incompetent. Jacob Rees-Mogg, Boris Johnson, and all the other supposedly patriotic pro-Brexit Conservative MPs are as opportunistic as they are self-serving. They have effectively positioned themselves as potential replacements for Theresa May whilst softening their stance on Brexit. Boris Johnson only decided to back the Leave campaign when it suited him. And Jacob Rees-Mogg is now ready to back Theresa May's awful Withdrawal Agreement like the diligent Tory boy he is.

The United Kingdom now spends more on Foreign Aid than the entire police budget for England & Wales, foreign aid expenditure is estimated to be £14.1 billion and the police budget is 12.3 billion, this a complete and utter betrayal to the British people. Whilst violence and crime spiral out of control on the streets of Britain the UK government is spending more abroad on aid than keeping their own people safe.

The people of Britain need and deserve a patriotic, electable and sensible small "c" conservative political party that wants to Rebuild Britain and restore the social, moral and cultural integrity of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Northern Ireland.

Shamima Begum, who left the UK to join terror-group ISIS in 2015, is set to receive potentially hundreds of thousands of pounds of legal aid money as her family announce they will fight for her UK citizenship to be reinstated.

This farcical situation has unsurprisingly caused an uproar amongst the British public. Shamima left Britain entirely of her own choice. She is a security threat and cannot be allowed to re-enter our country. She is now a matter for the Syrian courts, or an international court should one be established to process ISIS cases. Either way, she is not a matter for the British state to be concerning itself with, far less to defend her.

The establishment parties are making a mockery of our country. They have failed and betrayed the British people. It shows what we have said all along: that we need a new party that is serious about rebuilding our country: a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU - No Deal, No Delay, No Bills!

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Soldier B is set to be charged with "murder" in a case which truly makes a mockery of our justice system. It shows how skewed and one-sided prosecutions have been in historical enquiries relating to the Northern Ireland troubles. While Soldier B, an ill and elderly British Army veteran sits in the dock, the very terrorists he fought against roam free and even hold government positions in Northern Ireland.

It is an appalling and unjust way to treat men who put their lives on the line for their country, and are forced to make split-second decisions in life-or-death situations. Soldier B was on those streets of Londonderry to protect innocent civilians - Protestant and Catholic - from the IRA's campaign of terror.

We stand unreservedly behind Soldier B, and call for the charges against him to be dropped.

This whole case is a very sad reflection of the society we have become; one where law and order have been in retreat for a long time; where right is wrong and wrong is right.

This is why we say there must be a new political force to replace the failing Labour and Conservative parties and rebuild Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. A Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. Join today to help us reclaim our country.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU - No Deal, No Delay, No Bills!

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

The "Conservative" government has just announced it will abolish the legal basis of marriage, and nobody seems to have noticed.

Justice Secretary David Gauke (if you asked yourself "who?", you are not the only one) stated that it will introduce immediate divorce on demand at the request of the husband or wife alone, and the other partner in the relationship shall have no say in the matter and no right to restitution. Divorce proceedings would then begin immediately, lasting up to six months maximum. In other words, the whole legal concept of marriage as a binding and mutual contract shall be abolished.

As usual no voice of dissent is aired through our stiflingly liberal political, media and civil establishment. A host of commentators have lined up to approve the new laws as thoroughly 'modern' and 'progressive'. They talk a great deal about love, which seems to come entirely from Holywood-esque and selfish notions of self-gratification, pleasure, momentary excitement and personal fulfilment. They appear to give no thought to concepts such as patience and duty, words which I realise will sound embarrassingly old-fashioned to modern ears.

For decades now the Conservative and Labour parties have led an assault against the traditional married family. This is not an obscure moral topic as some would like to frame it, but a fundamental reorientation of society away from two-parent, single-earner, multi-generational family homes towards a new social order based on singleness, childlessness and isolation. More and more we are just individuals forced to fend for and provide for ourselves, generally inefficiently as single renters. This state of affairs is much more suited to the corporate interests of the Conservative and Labour parties, who recognise that the married family is a bastion of personal liberty against the encroaching, monetising forces of corporations and the state.

While mothers are driven out the home and into work (a result of poverty dressed up as equality, as single-income households are no longer financially viable even for the middle-class as they were a generation ago), childcare and care for the elderly have been nationalised while homes sit empty for the bulk of the waking day. Indeed I have noticed that homes are less and less loved, lived-in, shared and well-tended places, but rather a sort of crash pad for exhausted working mothers, and fathers too who now have to share more of the parenting and households duties.

It is children however who are the chief victims of the assault against the married family. Today only half of children have married parents by the time they finish primary school, while one-third will witness their parents divorce. There is a class dynamic too, as it is the British working class which has suffered the most devastation, misery and poverty through the collapse of the married family.

The fact that marriage could be abolished as a meaningful legal construct without a whimper of political opposition shows how redundant the establishment parties are. They have been bedfellows in the assault not just against the married family but against the British nation for many years now.

For decades they have trashed Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. They did so in the pursuit of their 'New Britain'; one that would be subordinate, rootless, borderless, multicultural, secular and service sector; robbed of all the foundations of nationhood.

The only relevant political dynamic there can be in this country is for a serious, wholesale opposition force to stand against them. A party that is committed to rebuilding our country: a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

Unless this happens, our country will be lost.

News that the government plans to tender out abroad contracts for three new Royal Fleet Auxiliary vessels has caused a lot of anger amongst the British public, who are fed up of seeing our industries go abroad, especially when it is government spending on government projects.

Sadly this is now the norm; just a few years ago contracts for four Royal Flee Auxiliary tide-class tankers were tendered out to Daewoo, a South Korean company. Meanwhile our own shipyards lie barren and the surrounding areas are ravaged by unemployment and a lack of skilled industrial jobs.

We maintain that all Royal Navy ships, including Royal Fleet Auxiliary ships, must be built in Britain. We must restore British Shipbuilders and begin rebuilding our Royal Navy; the number of Royal Navy ships has been halved in the past twenty years alone!

This is part of our plan to rebuild our country: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. A Britain that works for the British people, and that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. It's no use being a single-issue pressure group on the Tories over Brexit like other anti-establishment parties. We need a serious party that will stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country before it is too late.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Last night parliament voted to rule out a No Deal Brexit, effectively ending the prospect of any real exit from the EU under the current government.

It is a sad and unspectacular end to three years of folly in which the foundations for a proper exit were never there. The referendum entrusted the whole process to a Europhile establishment; chiefly the Conservative and Labour parties. Going through the EU's convoluted Article 50 process meant we were dealing on Brussels' terms from the beginning. Even the 'independence day' date of March 29th was Brussels' date and not our own, set to their Article 50 timeframe. And for the small number of Brexiteers within parliament, their idea of leaving the EU was still a hollow Brexit, a 'business as usual Brexit' rooted in the mantras of borderless Britain that was about little more than free trade and cutting red tape.

Despite this there are great grounds for hope and a clear way forward. The past three years have trashed the democratic legitimacy of the establishment parties in the eyes of the public. The referendum result proved definitively that a majority of the British people wish Britain to be a sovereign country that makes its own laws, and not a mere region of an EU superstate. A not insignificant number of lifelong Labour and Conservative voters may never vote for those parties again, such is the sense of anger and betrayal.

This paves the way for a serious political party to get us out the EU the proper way; the way we have always said it must be done while this circus has unfolded over the past three years. That is for an anti-EU party to seek a mandate through a General Election, and if it is successful to immediately repeal the European Communities Act 1972 and withdraw Britain from the EU. We may then mirror EU legislation for a short period of weeks while we negotiate new customs and various other arrangements, rather than going through the EU's long-winded Article 50 process while remaining a member.

And that's all there is to it! And then we can begin the serious business of rebuilding our country: a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know. That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to get out the EU and rebuild our country, summed up below. Membership is open to those who share our values.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Last night every single form of Brexit (most were really just alternative forms of remaining chained to Brussels) was rejected in the Commons. The circus currently unfolding at Westminster is the sad consequence of expecting the Conservative or Labour parties to lead Britain out of the European Union.

For decades these parties have pursued the policies of EU integration. We have an overwhelmingly pro-EU parliament and cabinet and indeed a Prime Minister who actively campaigned to Remain. The political, governmental, media, legal and civil establishment is deeply wedded to Brussels.

We are the only party to have stated this fundamental flaw with the Brexit process of the past three years. A referendum which entrusts leaving the EU to the Labour or Conservative parties was always doomed to failure. March 29th 2019, lauded by many as Britain's independence day, was Brussels' date and not ours; set by the timeframe of the EU's Article 50 process so we could negotiate an exit two years down the line after passing the legislation to leave.

Over that two year period the broad Brexit movement threw itself first behind Theresa May and then figures like Boris Johnson and Jacob Rees-Mogg, who have both now backed May's 'deal' which would make us a colony of Brussels. One by one these 'saviours' of Brexit have deserted the people who rallied behind them (we didn't, and openly called them out in numerous articles on our website).

Despite this the Brexit movement, including campaign groups and pro-Brexit parties, continues to try to act as a mere pressure group on the Conservative party in the hope of nudging them towards leaving the EU. UKIP, the Brexit Party and more are only interested in strategically targeting pro-Remain MPs in a General Election in the hope that the Conservatives will finally restore Britain's sovereignty.

They will not. For 50 years now the Conservative and Labour parties have been shutting down Britain and robbed our nation of its constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. They exist only to push their agenda of the borderless, multicultural, secular, corporate, service sector 'New Britain'.

That is why we have refused to become involved in the Brexit circus of the past three years: the "will they, won't they" intrigue, the personalities, the parliamentary votes, the dates, the petitions, the street demos and so on. So long as a pro-EU establishment holds the seats of power in Westminster, no amount of referenda, street demos or petitions will cause them to lead us out the EU.

The only way to leave the EU is for an anti-EU party to seek a democratic mandate through a parliamentary election. This is the old fashioned way; the British way. It won't happen overnight and single-issue Brexit parties won't be the party to do it either. The reality is that issues such as public services, jobs, education and all the rest cannot be marginalised at a General Election by any party that wishes to be electable; or indeed to run the country. Our country is shutting down in so many ways and the ordinary people can see it.

That's why we stand on a broad manifesto to reverse decades of shutting down and national dissolution and to rebuild our country: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; like the Britain that we used to know. We campaign on this broad manifesto to reclaim our country, including our sovereignty, and to defeat - in time - the Labour and Conservative parties. That is the goal that matters; everything else is just the circus.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

The establishment parties have looked redundant for a long time now. They are far detached from their original purposes, and abandoned their grassroots decades ago. Labour; originally a party to represent Britain's industrial working-class, is now just a party machine for promoting the mantras of equality, diversity and borderless Britain. The Conservative party; in past years a party for traditionalists and social conservatives, is now just... a party machine for promoting the mantras of equality, diversity and borderless Britain.

It goes without saying for our Scottish and Welsh readers that the SNP and Plaid Cymru have become even more ridiculous and redundant; nationalist parties based on the ideal of independence whose main goal now seems to be to shackle their countries to the EU forever!

These parties are dead and defunct, entirely unable to represent any sort of coherent political position never mind the British people more generally. Yet they continue to linger on in their zombified state, propped up only by the threat of each other which, so far, has deterred their voters from turning to alternatives.

The vote to leave the European Union has however finally broken this lazy complacency and exposed the total inadequacy of the establishment parties. The parliamentary paralysis over the Brexit negotiations has laid bare the gaping gulf between the political class and the ordinary British people they are supposed to represent. A majority of the British public wish to leave the EU, yet parliament overwhelmingly does not, and that is a very odd situation to have in any democracy.

Whenever a party system becomes redundant, eventually it will collapse and a new order will replace it. This is how the Labour party first came about, when the old Tory-Liberal dualism ceased to be relevant at the beginning of the last century. By the same token, today's Labour-Tory dualism is defunct and ripe for replacement.

We are at a point in history where there is therefore great opportunity for a new political formation to fill the gap in British politics and create an entirely new dynamic to sweep away the dominance of Labour and the Tories. To fulfil such a role it must be a socially conservative, patriotic party that upholds the role of the nation state and all that entails: sovereignty; borders, national infrastructure, industry and rich social bonds.

It won't be an overnight revolution. If a snap election is called this week as senior government figures have hinted at, then it will return a Labour or Conservative government. Parties riding on a largely single-issue Brexit ticket will get a little mileage out of it, but not much, and none have even risen above single figures in recent opinion polls.

What is happening in our political system is more fundamental than the question of Europe. The Brexit debate has brought to the fore a much deeper battle for hearts and minds between what are essentially two Britain's.

There is the Labour-Tory Britain: a rootless, borderless, atomised, fragmented, multicultural, de-industrialised, federalised, corporate service sector vassal state of the EU. Then there is the Britain that the silent majority long for: a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

It is this Britain that we as a party stand for, and that is why we have developed our Ten Point Plan to rebuild our country, summed up below. We have a growing membership across the UK and are prepared to contest elections at the local and national level with a view to building as a serious and electable alternative to the current, failing establishment parties. Now more than ever we need a voice for the silent majority who wish to reclaim their country.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Dublin, and Varadkar in particular, are in the habit of making very unwanted and unhelpful interventions in the Brexit negotiations, particularly with their meddling and grandstanding over Northern Ireland.

Their demands show a total lack of respect for the sovereignty and constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom. Dublin has no right whatsoever to insist upon a backstop that leaves Northern Ireland shackled to the EU's customs union and the rules and regulations of the Single Market. They know full well that the backstop would leave Northern Ireland within the economic sphere of Dublin and Brussels more than the United Kingdom; something that is totally incompatibly with the very Union the United Kingdom is based upon.

Their latest claim is the most bold and outrageous - that in the event of a No Deal Brexit, Westminster must first consult Dublin and accept its input in the direct rule process; effectively sharing direct rule between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. It is entirely unhelpful that government ministers such as Michael Gove have also pushed this line.

As UK Unionists we do not accept any concession of the United Kingdom's constitutional or territorial integrity. It is the duty of the UK government to treat Varadkar in the proper capacity: as the leader of a foreign nation with no right to meddle in our own internal affairs. We support Britain's full exit from the European Union and all of its mechanisms: No Deal, No Bills and No Backstop.

The national humiliation taking place right now, encoded in May's degrading Brexit 'deal', is the sad consequence of the 50 year assault on the British nation by the Labour and Conservative parties, who have systematically destroyed our constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations.

Our current sorry crop of politicians want to beg Brussels for colony status, and pay billions every year for the privilege, like a vassal state that pays tribute to its overlord. It is little wonder that the British people are demoralised. We have lost our way as a nation, and lost sight of the solution.

That's why it must be stated that there is a solution, and that we can be a functional country once again that works for the British people.

We can be a country that stands on its own two feet, that makes its own laws and controls its own borders, rather than a submissive colony of Brussels.

We can be a country with stable, skilled industrial employment and an economy that makes things, rather than a low-pay, low-skill service sector gig economy.

We can be a country where core infrastructure and utilities serve the public, rather than profiteering foreign companies and quango bosses.

We can be a country with safe streets; with police on regular visible foot patrols and a justice system that serves as a real deterrent to crime, rather than lawless streets where people are afraid to leave the house.

We can be a country with a world-leading health service free at the point of use, with clean wards managed by Matrons and State Enrolled Nurses; rather than serving a class of highly-salaried managers and bureaucrats.

We can be a country based on the traditional family unit, rich in social bonds and community life; rather than a lonely, isolated society where people live atomised lives and childcare and care for the elderly are nationalised.

We can be a country with technical, modern and grammar schools that provide quality and vocational education, rather than indoctrinating children with the equality and diversity agenda.

We can be a country that gives our youth a future with proper apprenticeships leading to skilled employment, rather than shovelling them into the university system and massive student debt.

We can be a country confident in its values, its history and its culture, rather than a multicultural, divided society.

We know we can do all this because we did all these things before. They worked, and they provided a sort of social peace and a country that worked for the ordinary British people. Until, of course, the political class threw it all way for their 'New Britain': shallow, rootless, de-industrialised, borderless, multicultural, secular and service sector.

The solution is simple, but people have lost sight of it in the age of referenda, petitions and street demos, all of which do literally nothing to change who holds power; who runs our country. The solution is to stop voting for the establishment parties and to defeat them.

That's why we stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know. If you agree with our Ten Point Plan, sign up and help us reclaim our country.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Theresa May has blamed Northern Ireland for her own failings in the Brexit negotiations, and has also indicated that a No Deal Brexit could would lead to a revocation of devolution and direct rule for Northern Ireland.

Our Northern Ireland Organiser Brian Higginson has given the following statement:

"Not only has the Government not prepared for a no deal in Northern Ireland, it has the cheek to blame the lack of devolved administration in the province for not pursuing a no deal.

This is a clear failure of this government, something it has had 2 years to prepare for. As a party we have advocated direct rule and call for the relevant legislation to be passed to implement direct rule if the departure date for leaving the EU is set for the 12th April."

We believe we must Leave the EU as one United Kingdom - no dodgy deals, no bills and no backstop.

The concerns of the ordinary British people over immigration are continually ignored and marginalised by the political, media and civil establishment. This has been the case for many years now while the incredibly transformatory mass immigration project has been underway.

While some parties shout about immigration as a protest policy, none have ever set down to the serious business of setting out how we can regain control of our borders, beyond perhaps suggesting an increase to the budget of the Border Force, which is merely tinkering around the edges. What must be understood is that the abolition of border controls and effective border security is part of the great shutting down of our national infrastructure over the past several decades under Labour and Conservative governments. Industry, transport, energy, utilities, borders - it is all part of the same process of shutting down. The severity of this problem must be emphasised clearly in numbers.

Our border security is now left to the Border Force, a single rump organisation which is all that is left from the gradual merger of many bodies over many years. It has a grand total of 7,500 staff, including administration staff, and nine (yes, nine) vessels to cover over 7,700 miles of coastline. This organisation of 7,500 staff and nine vessels (four of which are small patrol vessels) is expected to provide border security for a nation of 65-80 million people (we no longer really know the figure... because of the lack of basic border controls).

Then there is a body each for visas and internal immigration enforcement, each with around 8,000 staff - UK Visas and Immigration and Immigration Enforcement. For context on their ability to cope with such paltry levels of staff in a country of up to 80 million people, it should be noted that they currently clear around 12,000 asylum cases each year - that's out of a backlog which has now grown to over 400,000.

This gets to the heart of what is going on with our borders and immigration levels - tinkering with Border Force funding or nice ideas about point-based systems don't even begin to touch on the problem. The situation now is one of near anarchy, with annual levels of immigration hitting up to 700,000.

We must present a serious plan to rebuild an entire border security infrastructure which has been shut down for years now. We propose that the Border Force (7,500 staff, 5 'cutters' and 4 patrol vessels) be replaced with a UK Border Security Agency (40,000 staff) and a UK Border Security Fleet (16 cutters and 80 patrol vessels).

UK Visas and Immigration (7,500 staff) and Immigration Enforcement (around 8,000 staff) must be replaced with four specialised bodies: a UK Visas Agency (12,000 staff), a UK Immigration Agency to process cases (12,000 staff), UK Immigration Enforcement (12,000 staff) and a dedicated Asylum Processing Agency to clear the backlog of asylum seekers (20,000 staff).

This would be a serious undertaking and that means costs and government expenditure. We must regain the fortitude to say such things, because borders are serious and substantial things, as are nation states and their infrastructure. The shutting down of Britain must be stopped and actively reversed.

These proposals would cost an estimated £5 billion per year; for context our net annual contributions to the EU are almost £9 billion.

The silent majority who are concerned about immigration need a serious party to say these things; not silly fringe parties that fixate on minorities and otherwise have no substance or no real policies on how to control our borders. We need a serious, sensible and electable party that will bring the issue of mass immigration to the agenda and give a voice to the ordinary British people who wish to preserve their culture and our national character.

Rebuilding a serious border infrastructure is just part of our wider set of policies to reverse decades of destruction and national breakdown. We stand for a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. A Britain that works for the British people, and that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. We need a serious party that will stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country before it is too late.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Northern Ireland should be a full and equal partner in the United Kingdom. However, it has been evident for some time now that the British Government treats Ulster like a semi-detached problem to be treated differently from the rest of the UK.

The 1985 Angle-Irish Agreement which gave the Dublin Government an unwelcome degree of control over Northern Ireland’s affairs, the subsequent surrender of sovereignty through various agreements between the British and Irish governments that handed Dublin various degrees of control over the affairs of NI, the appeasement of nationalism such as the removal of British symbols (like the Union Flag from government buildings), have all put NI on a seemingly inexorable path of being pushed into the control of the Republic that has been consistently pursued by the UK Government.

This process has reached its apotheosis with the Good Friday Agreement. There are little known protocols attached to the GFA that allow a future nationalist controlled Stormont to call a referendum on re-unification once every seven years until it gets the result it wants. Extremely concerning. Events in the ongoing Brexit process have highlighted that the UK Government continues to see Northern Ireland as partially detached from the rest of the UK, as Theresa May’s Government continues to allow Brussels to effectively break up the UK by keeping Ulster under Brussels (and therefore effectively Dublin) control with the Withdrawal Agreement’s backstop proposals.

Northern Ireland is on the slippery slope to being forced out of the UK by a combination of pressures both internal (the UK Government) and external (Brussels’ Machiavellian manoeuvres over Brexit.) Complacency is their ally in this. Unionists must act now to reverse this situation.

© 2019 Stephen Bailey.

Knife crime has been growing at a very steady rate in the United Kingdom, communities are being ripped apart as a result of callous acts of murder from knives owing to gang culture, a breakdown of traditional, decent values, dwindling police numbers, a complete lack of funding for programmes that reduce youth and adult re-offending rates, division, hatred and violence from cultural problems, acts of terror and a soft-justice system. The list goes on...

Some would say unsurprisingly, there were 39,818 recorded offenses involving knife crime in the year ending September 2018. Shockingly, these figures do not include Greater Manchester Police due to data recording issues. There are 44 police services in England & Wales, and 42 of those recorded increase in knife crime. Stop and search powers should be granted to police services that have recorded an increase in knife crime, local and national government need to work in partnership to provide support and funding for programmes that reduce re-offending rates, and custodial sentences must be longer for anyone committing a crime involving the use of a knife.

Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May absurdly claimed that: “Local people do not want to see more police on the streets.” The irony is, that is exactly what the British public desires, a proactive friendly and engaging police force, not service to fight crime and not hide behind desks or police tweets or Facebook comments. Mrs. May also said there was no "direct correlation" between knife crime and the decrease in the numbers of police, she is lying to the very people she is supposed to serve and protect.

Crimes involving knives tend to be more widespread in larger multi-cultural cities, especially places like the capital city London. A lack of social cohesion cuts in police numbers and budgets, gang culture and the division caused by multi-culturalism have transformed once peaceful towns and cities into sanctuaries for immoral and criminal behaviour. Social and cultural problems, segregation and a multitude of other factors including the illegal drug trade are exasperating the national disgrace of knife crime."

Murder as a result of knife crime has surged at an unprecedented rate, back in 2015 there were 186 murders committed by knife, more recently in the year, 2017-18 285 people were murdered by knives. We must act now before our country descends yet further into a state of lawlessness and anarchy.

We must implement a zero tolerance approach to knife crime, the steady increase in knife crime has been horrifying, in particular, there was a point in time where the murder rate was higher in London than New York. I call for a zero tolerance approach to knife crime demanding strict sentencing guidelines without any possibility of early release or a suspended sentence order, and also I would like to see the stop and search laws enforced for public safety.

The prosecution of "Soldier F" makes a mockery of our justice system. While British veterans who served in Northern Ireland have been continually persecuted in this witch-hunt, the very terrorists they fought roam free and hold some of the highest positions in government in Northern Ireland.

It is clear that there is no attempt at balance or fairness in the system. The double-standards are astonishing. While veterans like Soldier F are persecuted in their old age, no attempt whatsoever is being made to prosecute the perpetrators of IRA terror, many of whom were released or let off as a result of political agreements during the Blair era.

We stand unreservedly behind Soldier F, and call for the charges against him to be dropped.

This whole case is a very sad reflection of the society we have become; one where law and order have been in retreat for a long time; where right is wrong and wrong is right.

This is why we say there must be a new political force to rebuild Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. A Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. It's no use being a single-issue pressure group on the Tories over Brexit like other anti-establishment parties. We need a serious party that will stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country before it is too late.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

May continues to persevere with her deal, which has now failed several times in parliament. She hasn't won any new concessions from the EU, it's still the same deal that it was many months ago. A deal that would reduce Britain to a mere vassal state of the EU, paying billions every year to Brussels while surrendering control over our laws, our borders, our resources and our democracy.

Her backstop proposals for Northern Ireland would carve up the UK, and allow Brussels to annex the province for itself and keep it under the rules and regulations of the Single Market and Customs Union. On every level, her deal is a disaster and totally fails to honour the mandate given by the British people to get out the EU.

It is clear that the establishment parties will never carry out a clean exit. Even if they did, it would be a hollow Brexit so long as they remain in charge of the country and continue to shut Britain down like they have been doing for the past several decades. Under the Labour or Conservative parties the 'New Britain' project will continue: a hollow, borderless, subordinate, atomised, multicultural, rootless, secular, service sector pale imitation of the country that we used to be.

If we are to rebuild our country there must be a wholesale opposition party to take on the establishment parties; not just a single-issue pressure group over Brexit.

That is why we stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. A country that works for the ordinary people and not just the elites, one that is something like the Britain that we used to know.

If you agree with our Ten Point Plan, then sign up today and help us build a movement to rebuild our country.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

The House of Commons which is dominated by pro-EU MPs has betrayed the British people by voting against a No Deal Brexit. MPs rejected the UK withdrawing from the European Union without a deal by 321 to 278 votes. They have risked throwing the United Kingdom into further Brexit paralysis.

Under UK statue law the United Kingdom must leave the European Union on the 29th March. Any attempt to delay, extend or abort Britain's withdrawal from the European Union would plunge the UK into a constitutional crisis and would mean that Theresa May would be breaking the law. It shows contempt for the mandate given by the British people - every single Labour and Tory MP was elected on a manifesto promise for a clean Brexit.

If the pro-EU politicians force the British people into a second divisive and undemocratic referendum then Britain can never again claim to be a bastion of Democracy, Freedom of Speech or Law.

The British people are already deeply skeptical and frustrated with the government's handling of the Brexit negotiations, pro-EU MPs voting down a 'No Deal Brexit' motion have alienated an already disenfranchised population. Theresa May's government must act now, prepare for a clean exit from the EU on the 29 March, leave the Single Market & Customs Union, leave the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice, on World Trade Organisation (WTO) terms and regain our seat at the WTO.

The political chaos is a result of a large proportion of Remainer Liberal Democrat, Labour and Conservative MPs that never really accepted the will of the British people. An illiberal liberal elite trying to overturn a democratic mandate and the very promises they were elected on. There was never any talk of any negotiated deals; "no deal is better than a bad deal" Theresa May once promised us. The Brexit deadlock must end, and the will of the people needs to be enacted. A swift, clean and immediate exit from the European Union without a deal under WTO terms.

We strive to restore the cultural, moral and social integrity of the United Kingdom, and stand on a broad manifesto of policies to Rebuild Britain: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. Sign up if you agree with our Ten Point Plan to put the Great back into Britain!

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

The decisive rejection of May's disastrous deal, defeated yesterday evening by a remarkable 149 votes including both pro-Leave and pro-Remain MPs, shows how utterly hopeless her proposals were.

Under her deal Britain would have become a colony of the EU, subject to its laws, its regulations and its courts, while paying billions every year for the privilege. We welcome its rejection.

The Conservative and Labour parties are now in total paralysis as they have neither the will nor the capacity to lead Britain out of the EU. Both are Europhile parties, each with a majority of pro-EU MPs who campaigned to Remain.

They have a democratic mandate, indeed a direct parliamentary mandate through the June 2017 General Election, to leave the EU on March 29th. It is abundantly clear that they will not do so, and never had any intention of doing so. Theresa May will now be offering her MPs a free vote to take no deal off the table, in direct contradiction of their manifesto promises.

This highlights what we have said all along - that it is folly to expect a pro-EU establishment to lead us out of the EU, and to simply ask them to do it through a referendum - to them nothing more than an opinion poll and no threat to their hold on power. The only way to leave the EU is to defeat the establishment parties in a General Election and elect a majority of anti-EU MPs.

It is no use being a single-issue pressure group on the Labour or Conservative parties. For 50 years they have been shutting Britain down, and have robbed us of our constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations to usher in their borderless, subordinate, atomised, multicultural, rootless, secular, service sector 'New Britain'. The only solution, the only way to reclaim our sovereignty and rebuild our country, is for a party to challenge them at the polls with a view to defeating them and winning power.

That is why we stand on a broad manifest to rebuild our country: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; the Britain that we used to know. Our values and policies to reclaim our country are laid out in our Ten Point Plan below. To stand for anything less is to surrender our country.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

For decades Britain has been shutting down under the Labour and Conservative parties.

We believe in a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

That is why we stand on a broad manifesto of opposition to the direction we have been led down by the establishment parties, which is summed up in our Ten Point Plan:

1. UK UNITY

We believe we must work together - England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland - for a strong, independent United Kingdom. We are all proud to be British. Abolish the costly and divisive devolved assemblies and restore full UK Union with a single, sovereign parliament.

2. LEAVE THE EU We support Britain's full and immediate exit from the EU through the repeal by parliament of the European Communities Act 1972. Leave the Single Market, Customs Union and all the mechanisms of the EU. No bills, no deals, no delays.

3. NO MORE REFERENDUMS

The last thing Britain needs is another divisive referendum. We don't need a so-called "People's Vote" - the people have already spoken! The focus now must be on parliamentary elections, and defeating the establishment parties - something a referendum cannot do!

4. STOP MASS IMMIGRATION

The silent majority are opposed to the mass immigration project pursued by the establishment parties for over 50 years now. We call for an end to mass immigration with a strict annual immigration cap and a freeze on non-skilled immigration.

5. REBUILD INDUSTRY We need to rebuild a productive economy that makes things, and that can offer skilled, stable jobs to our youth. Introduce an industrial apprenticeships scheme and re-establish British Steel and British Shipbuilders, amongst other core industries.

6. REBUILD INFRASTRUCTURE

For decades core national infrastructure has been starved of funding, sold off and is now run mostly by foreign companies. We believe core infrastructure and utilities must be brought back under public ownership. They are there to keep the country running and serve the British people, not for profit alone.

7. FISCAL REPONSIBILITY

We would roll back massive state expansion into the 'third sector', abolish the whole 'quango' system, limit the state to its traditional and essential roles and end the culture of debt by returning to traditional fiscal and monetary practices.8. FAMILY VALUES

We would end the crusade against the married family and stand up for decent traditional values. The British working-class suffer most from broken homes and social fragmentation. The family unit is the bedrock of liberty and a free and prosperous society - it must be upheld.

9. GET TOUGH ON CRIME

Too many convicted criminals are back on the streets in no time. Suspended and shortened sentences are now the norm, and it's the decent law-abiding majority that suffer because of it. We believe that justice should be a real deterrent to crime, especially violent crime.10. PROTECT FREE SPEECH & LIBERTIES

We would protect all of our civil liberties, reduce the intrusion of the government and corporate forces into private life and reverse all legislation that has chipped away at fundamental liberties such as free speech.

The most powerful tool of the revolutionaries who have changed our country beyond recognition is the myth of the 'march of history'; the idea that any and all change is inevitable, irreversible and - without question - for the best. Whether you like it or not, if you don't get on board then you are "on the wrong side of history".

This is now the mantra of the progressive revolution, which in a few short decades has swept away the foundations of the Britain that we used to know and replaced it with a 'New Britain' - more slick, more flash, more open, more global, more modern. And aren't we all better for it?

Anybody who questions this narrative of progress is deemed to be a 'dinosaur'. A troglodyte and a reactionary who can only see the past through misty eyes and rose-tinted glasses. It is an unfortunate feature of debate today that arguments are rarely considered on their own merit, but instead dismissed through these cheap and unjust personal attacks. The latest progressive trends are meanwhile justified with fatuous truisms: "because it's 2015", as Canada's liberal Prime Minister Justin Trudeau explained when asked why he rather arbitrarily picked a half-female cabinet.

Come 2019, any critique whatsoever of the broad national direction Britain has been led down over the past several decades is dismissed in the above terms by the political, media and civil establishment - though not the silent majority of the British people themselves.

Indeed is it the British people who suffer most from the loss of the country and the society that they used to know; not the trendy, wealthy cosmopolitan elite which is - for now at least - largely sheltered from the decay afflicting the ordinary people. It is the ordinary British people which suffer from the modern malaise and the realities of the progressive revolution which the Labour and Conservative parties have pursued for the past fifty years: the retreat of law and order; the collapse of the married family unit; de-industrialisation and the shallow, servile gig economy; disconnected multicultural communities and the wider rootless, atomised society; not to mention a nation robbed of its sovereignty and its democracy.

And yet at the same time many people can remember a Britain with safe streets, connected communities, functional families, stable employment and a meaningful national community which maintained all these things through national sovereignty, national industry and a serious and substantial national infrastructure (water, energy, transport, etc - now all things run by private, mostly foreign companies for their own profit).

Rose-tinted glasses have nothing to do with this analysis, neither is it a case of wishing to turn back the clock. It is a case of deciding which of two futures we choose for our country. There is the future envisioned by the Labour and Conservative parties; that is the borderless, atomised, rootless, multicultural, secular, service sector 'New Britain' they have pursued now for several decades.

And then there is the other future that we can pursue: a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that retains all that is best about the Britain that we used to know. As a party this is the future that we choose for Britain, and that is why we stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country, summed up in our Ten Point Plan:

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Pictured: Our Northern Ireland Organiser Brian Higginson

The DUP now look like they are backtracking on the backstop, following a similar move by Jacob Rees-Mogg's European Research Group. They are now telling us that a time-limited backstop is acceptable and they could back it as part of May's deal, leaving Northern Ireland bound - supposedly temporarily - in regulatory alignment with Dublin and Brussels.

As a UK Unionist party we wholeheartedly reject any backstop proposal. For Northern Ireland to be given this sort of separate treatment, whether there is a time limit or not, is totally unjust and unnecessary. Northern Ireland's status as an integral part of the UK is absolutely unequivocal. It must leave the EU with the rest of the UK and on the same basis.

The backstop is just another example of how the current political establishment cannot get us out of the EU, never mind begin to rebuild our country. This is why we say there must be a new political force to rebuild Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. A Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. It's no use being a single-issue pressure group on the Tories over Brexit like other anti-establishment parties. We need a serious party that will stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country before it is too late.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

British Army veterans involved in 'Bloody Sunday' could be sentenced for murder within days. Seventeen soldiers could face the charge, the oldest of which is a 77 year old grandfather who is paralysed down one side of his body.

These are soldiers who put their lives on the line to protect against IRA terror. The very terrorists they protected the British people from now hold elected office, while our brave veterans are hounded and face jail time in their old age.

This is a very sad reflection of the society we have become; one where law and order have been in retreat for a long time; where right is wrong and wrong is right.

This is why we say there must be a new political force to rebuild Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. A Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional; that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. It's no use being a single-issue pressure group on the Tories over Brexit like other anti-establishment parties. We need a serious party that will stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country before it is too late.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

A roundup with some of our graphics we have shared on social media this February, for those who don't follow Facebook that much.

Some of our graphics this month were phenomenally successful, with individual posts being shared by tens of thousands of people!

Pictured is Brian Higginson (Northern Ireland Organiser) and John Mortimer (Party Leader).

For 50 years our country has been shutting down under the Labour and Conservative parties. The rich heritage, values, social bonds and national institutions which Britain was built upon have been trashed by government after government.

The social peace which we had just a couple of generations ago has been shattered by the transition to a borderless, subordinate, technocratic, de-industrialised, rootless, secular, multicultural 'New Britain', robbed of all the foundations of nationhood.

A slick, "outward-looking", "global", deregulatory, service sector Brexit as proposed by UKIP and Tory Brexiteers does nothing to change this.

By contrast we stand for a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. A Britain that works for the British people, and that is something like the country that we used to know.

That's why we have our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain and sort our country out. It's no use being a single-issue pressure group on the Tories over Brexit like other anti-establishment parties. We need a serious party that will stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild our country before it is too late.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

In the UK the people (IE the electorate) are sovereign. They authorise their representatives (MP’s) to carry out a programme of policies that they approve of (laid out in the MP’s manifesto) by voting for them in an election. Under constitutional law, the Commons holds ultimate sovereignty (on behalf of and authorised by the electorate) and in a unitary state like the UK therefore, the HoC, and not the devolved legislatures, is the supreme sovereign body in the UK. Holyrood, the Welsh Assembly and Stormont (or the London Assembly for that matter) are NOT sovereign parliaments and the UK is a single (or unitary) country, not a ‘union of (sovereign) nations’. It is also important to note that, in a unitary state, as sovereignty ultimately lies with the central political power, such a state is a single country with constituent parts that pool their resources for the common good and not a ‘union of sovereign nations’, because, as previously stated, sovereignty lies solely with the central political authority (the Commons in our case) and remains there, even after powers have been devolved to parts of that country.

In a unitary state, like the UK (IE a country in which there is a single political authority) ultimate sovereignty lies with the central power, in our case the House of Commons. That central authority can devolve any amount of power it chooses to any number of regions of itself, but ultimate sovereignty remains entirely with the central power, which can revoke, in part or full, those powers simply by repealing the Acts of Parliament that set up the devolved powers in the first place. There is absolutely no need under the UK Constitution for the House of Commons to seek or secure any kind of confirmatory vote from the electorate of the devolved region or from the devolved legislature before doing this (though in practice, this would be seen as undemocratic and heavy handed and a confirmatory vote would be sought by the HoC before doing such a thing.) The act of devolving powers to a region of itself in no way confers or transfers sovereignty to that devolved region (as is the case under federalism.)

The principle of the ultimate sovereignty of the House of Commons is confirmed even by the website of the Scottish Parliament, which states:

‘Under this system of devolution Scotland is still part of the United Kingdom and the UK Parliament in Westminster is sovereign (has ultimate power).’

We all live in a country called the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Devolution is failing in Scotland, Northern Ireland, Wales and London.

In Scotland the SNP have a terrible track record in government and don't seem to do much apart from agitate for more referendums. In Northern Ireland Stormont has sat empty for years now; not for the first time either, because coalition governments have collapsed. Crime is skyrocketing under the oversight of Sadiq Khan and the London Assembly. Meanwhile in Wales a party called 'Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party' is predicted to win seats at the next assembly election!

We say it is time to scrap these expensive, failing assemblies, which cost hundreds of millions of pounds in salaries and other costs just to run. As UK Unionists we believe there must be one sovereign parliament for the United Kingdom.

Our policy of scrapping legislative devolution is just part of our wider set of values and policies to Rebuild Britain: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic and Functional. If you agree with our Ten Point Plan then help us build a real opposition that will take on the establishment parties and campaign to get out the EU and rebuild our country.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

This speech is being delivered by John Mortimer tonight at our Northern Ireland launch in Lisburn.

**********************************************

There has been a void now within Unionism for many years. It is a void that goes beyond dissatisfaction with particular political parties or the fineries of the various agreements which have shaped devolved politics in Northern Ireland. It is a void left by Unionism's abandonment of its most fundamental values and principles, and its retreat into a narrow and parochial form of Ulster nationalism. This void is the space once occupied by UK Unionism; the view that Ulster is a core and integral part of the United Kingdom; a full participant in Union sharing representation, government and a common national direction with the rest of the United Kingdom. The same parliament, the same political parties - no separate treatment.

When most people think of UK Unionism they might think of Bob McCarntney, Conor Cruise O'Brien and the United Kingdom Unionist Party; or perhaps Ulster Unionist figures like Jim Molyneaux or Enoch Powell. And they are indeed an important part of the UK Unionist story. But what people forget is that UK Unionism is not just an outlying strand of unionist thought; it is actually the original and traditional unionist viewpoint. Sir Edward Carson warned over a century ago that devolution - the creation of a separate legislature at Stormont to part-govern Northern Ireland - would be a "badge of difference" for Ulster.

The battle of ideas between the UK Unionist viewpoint and supporters of devolved government was a major feature of Northern Irish politics up until the beginning of this century. Our Northern Ireland Organiser Brian Higginson was a very active member of Bob McCartney's United Kingdom Unionist Party. Even when the DUP and the Ulster Unionists had entirely signed up to Northern Irish devolutionary politics, the UK Unionists were still able to get impressive results which were very much against the odds; for example holding a parliamentary seat in North Down until 2001.

Ultimately however, UK Unionism lost the battle for hearts and minds within Unionism. Devolution, power sharing and eventually mandatory coalition government became the established views of Northern Ireland's main unionist parties. But just because UK Unionism suffered defeat at the ballot box does not mean that its values and principles ceased to be true, or that its warnings about the dangers of devolved government and Ulster separateness lost their validity. Indeed, time has vindicated all the values and warnings of the UK Unionist position.

Nothing has brought this home to bear more than Theresa May's backstop proposals in the Article 50 negotiations. In these appalling proposals we see all the seeds of devolution, of Ulster particularism, of Northern Ireland's constitutional separateness come to fruition. The backstop proposals, which would draw a line down the Irish Sea, sever Ulster from mainland UK and force it into regulatory alignment with Dublin and Brussels, have understandably appalled unionists. The message of the backstop proposals is clear: Northern Ireland isn't really a core part of the United Kingdom; it belongs as much in the sphere of Dublin as of London, and in such a major national decision for the United Kingdom as leaving the European Union, it is perfectly acceptable to leave Northern Ireland behind.

This is the reality of how our Conservative & Unionist government views Northern Ireland; as somewhere that is on some level part of the United Kingdom, but rather ambiguously so. This has been the case for a long time now. It was this attitude that lay behind the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement when unionists were outrageously betrayed, again by a Conservative & Unionist government. It has been the same story going back to the days of the Irish Home Rule bills. The recurring theme is the same: Ulster is somehow separate; a place apart. It gets different treatment.

Unfortunately, for years now that exact message has been the line of Ulster's biggest unionist parties. They too view and govern Ulster as a place apart. It has its own devolved legislature, its own party system, its own political leaders, its own laws, its own regulations, its own tax rates, its own ambiguous constitutional position written into a number of political agreements from 1985, to 1998, to 2006. Theresa May's backstop proposals are nothing more than the logical consequence of this reality, and the extension of separate treatment from domestic politics to international negotiations with the EU. It is little wonder that London governments should treat Ulster as a place apart, as constitutionally distinct and separate, when Ulster unionists themselves view it, and indeed actively govern it, as such.

The ultimate irony of parochial, Ulster-only unionism can be seen in the elevation of the so-called 'Irish border issue' to a major stumblingblock in the Article 50 negotiations. The DUP who very rightly rail against the different, separate treatment given to Northern Ireland in May's backstop proposals, at the very same time demand that Northern Ireland gets special, separate treatment when it comes to the UK's external borders. As a result all discourse over the issue in the UK has been shifted towards these terms. The 'Irish border issue' is framed very much in Northern Irish and Irish terms; as a matter for Northern Irish and Irish people alone to be concerned about. Entirely absent from debate has been the rather obvious and fundamental point that that Irish border is the United Kingdom border, it is an international border, and it therefore important. That border is there for the benefit of all the people of the United Kingdom; to regulate who can come into our country and to apply our own tariffs and customs for the benefit of manufacturers across the UK.

What then about the Common Travel Area? While many pro-Brexit elements like UKIP, Tory Brexiteers and the DUP are correct that the Common Travel Area predates the EU, what they forget is that it was only ever instituted on the condition that the Republic of Ireland would exactly mirror British immigration policy. That will be impossible should one party to the agreement leave the EU, and the other remain within it. If a post-Brexit UK is serious about controlling its borders then our one, sole land border cannot continue to be an open, unchecked border - if it does, we must accept that any EU or non-EU migrant may enter the UK across the Irish border without producing so much as a drivers licence. And that is hardly acceptable to the British people as a whole who voted to take back control of our borders.

The 'Irish border question' is a good example of how UK Unionism demands a UK-wide perspective and solutions that are orientated to the UK level. And for that reason we are not a Northern Ireland-only party; as UK Unionists we would not be true to our principles if we did limit ourselves to any one part of the country. Perhaps a weakness of the original United Kingdom Unionist Party was that it was an Ulster-only party; that is never quite escaped the tribal goldfish bowl of Northern Irish politics.

As a Scottish unionist I have witnessed firsthand the sea change that a retreat into the narrow, goldfish bowl of devo-politics brings about in political culture. Up until the late 90s Scottish politics were very much part of the UK mainstream. Party politics were based upon class and social values; about addressing everyday issues and making people's lives better. The same political parties dominated the Scottish scene as those in England and Wales. We talked about the same issues and shared the same government and democratic process. Scottish nationalism was very much a minority, almost quite a fringe point of view.

That changed very rapidly after the Scottish parliament was introduced in 1999 by the Blair government. Just like Northern Ireland, Scotland now has its own distinct politics; its own legislation and regulations, its own political class and increasingly its own divergent party system based along unionist and nationalist lines. The watershed moment came with the launch of the independence referendum in 2012, and almost overnight the new tribal politics of nationalism and unionism was cemented as the defining feature of Scottish political life.

As a result we have an SNP government that is entirely uninterested in everyday issues like health, education or policing, and their record after over a decade in power bears testimony to this. Their only goal, and their only real interest, is to break apart the United Kingdom. The tribal party loyalties demanded by this fixation on constitutional politics is precisely what allows everyday issues to be swept under the carpet.

All this will no doubt sound very familiar to a Northern Irish audience. There are two major lessons that we must learn from it if Unionism is to progress and escape the narrow confines of tribal, goldfish-bowl devo politics. The first lesson is that me must be a UK-wide party. We must not limit ourselves to any one part of the United Kingdom, or to the tribal politics of Stormont or Holyroood. We must soar above these, and enter the world of pluralistic UK-level politics and win hearts and minds to our point of view.

The second lesson is that we must escape the fixation on constitutional politics which accompanies the tribal voting loyalties at Stormont and Holyrood. If we are to appeal to a UK-wide audience, we cannot be just a UK Unionist party, or just another single issue anti-EU party. To win voters at the UK level you have to be much more than this; to seriously contest a General Election requires a broad manifesto covering the whole spectrum of political, economic, social and moral issues.

We must therefore be a UK-wide party with a wide set of policies for the United Kingdom. And this is where we must truly come into our own as a political party, and draw a clear dividing line between ourselves and other parties which are more limited to either single issues or a small number of issues.

If we are not just a Unionist party, or just an anti-EU party, what then is our 'thing'? Our motto is 'Rebuild Britain', and that is a succinct description of what we stand for: a broad manifesto to rebuild Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. This broad manifesto to rebuild our country stands in opposition to 50 years of destruction and national dissolution under the Labour and Conservative parties, and the transition into a hollow, secular, subordinate, multicultural, atomised, service sector 'New Britain'. By contrast we stand for a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, Unitary, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. This very clearly sets us apart from the DUP, the Ulster Unionists and UKIP, never mind the Conservatives.

Our 'thing', our defining feature as a party is therefore this narrative that explains how Britain came to the point where it is today; a country that seems so totally unrecognisable to the one that many can remember just a short time ago.

In many ways it began with the cultural revolution in the late 60s. Anybody who wishes to understand what is going on in Britain today should make a point of reading 'The Labour Case', an absolutely extraordinary document by Roy Jenkins which outlined a manifesto for the total transformation of our country; not just our politics or our constitution but all of our social and moral norms. After his appointment as Home Secretary from 1965, with remarkable pace Jenkins and his alliance of Labour and Tory radicals began to sweep away the foundations of traditional, sovereign, Christian and industrial Britain.

Our old moral values which underpinned our way of life were placed under attack in every area of public and private life, and the justice system was a prime target of the revolutionaries in the late 60s. The 1967 Criminal Justice Act introduced for the first time the use of suspended sentences and a new system of early release for long-term prisoners; this was itself an extension of the sentiments behind the suspension of the death penalty for murder in 1965. Amidst talk of ‘civility’, justice itself was somehow squeezed out of the picture, and the message for criminals was clear: your crimes are unlikely to be punished, and not very seriously if they are. It also indicated to the average person that this was, in some small way, a society where law, order and the morality that underpins them were in retreat. The consequences of this can be seen most clearly in the broken social landscape of modern London, which for the first time in its history now has a murder rate higher than New York.

The education system was another prime target. The old tripartite system of technical, modern and grammar schools was done away with and replaced with comprehensives that were rolled out en masse from 1965. The purpose of this was to engineer equality and to do away with old British values of individualism and attainment. Subsequently, gifted working-class pupils were denied access to grammar schools where their talents could flourish, and others were denied the sort of vocational education that granted their parents a career. Quality schooling became a luxury for the rich, and to this day a great number of anti-grammar school MPs continue to send their children to private schools.

In 1967 the Abortion Act had introduced abortion on demand and led to hundreds of thousands of abortions being carried out annually, roughly 97% of which were healthy pregnancies which resulted from consensual sex. This was nothing to with tragic cases like rape or danger to the mother's life, as abortion in these circumstances was already available on the NHS through previous legal rulings. To date almost nine million abortions have been carried out under the 1967 legislation across the UK - equivalent to over one and a half times the population of Scotland. And now we are told we need to embrace mass immigration to halt our demographic decline.

Two years after the Abortion Act, no-fault divorce was introduced through the Divorce Reform Act 1969, rendering marriage vows meaningless and ending any legal basis for marriage as a source of social stability. Marriage and divorce rates have respectively plummeted and shot up ever since, drastically altering the landscape of both adult life and childhood. Only half of children have married parents by the time they finish primary school, while one-third will witness their parents divorce. Over the past few months the Conservative government has been discussing legislation to scrap the minimum time limit for no-fault divorce, and to introduce immediate no-fault divorce on demand.

It was also around that time that our borders were opened to mass immigration for the first time in the history of the British state; Windrush immigration increased from just 3,000 in 1953 to tens of thousands by the end of the decade. The annual entry of such numbers of immigrants into the United Kingdom was unprecedented outside of war or humanitarian disaster; and it was in the turbulent climate of the time that Enoch Powell gave his infamous 'Rivers of Blood' speech in 1968, and argued that the arrival of 50,000 new immigrants into the country each year was unsustainable. By the time of Teresa May's tenure as Home Secretary, this figure would multiply fourteen-fold to a record annual rate of 700,000 according to official government figures.

At the same time, as new forms of mass media began to emerge, the revolutionaries did away entirely with centuries of restraint and old-fashioned ideas of decency, and ensured new mediums such as television would be used to disseminate a new mass culture to the people, to be beamed at them constantly from their living rooms. Roy Jenkins was as usual at the forefront. In 1959 he introduced the Obscene Publications Act; effectively a total abolition of all existing obscenity laws (as usual this was a private member’s bill, as the electorate had no issue with the existing legislation).

Thereafter, the small number of intellectuals who dominated British television and film were increasingly free to push all the gratuitous violence, cursing and sex that they liked into living rooms across the country, and through the sheer unchallenged dominance of their output were able to gradually convert to their view of the world (or the baseness of their thought) what was until even a generation ago a socially conservative and patriotic silent majority.

It had been decided by a small number of Oxbridge intellectuals that Britain would no longer be a quietly Christian country founded upon the family unit, maintained by justice and the rule of law, grounded in an intimate and homogenous society and a shared national experience. They decided that a new order would take its place, to be brought about through this revolution in manners, in customs, in social order and in the very nature of who we are as a people. In short, that Britain would no longer be Britain, but rather would become something else.

It followed that the next step in their revolutionary programme would be to remove Britain's independence and its unitary, parliamentary constitution. Like many things, patriotism was deemed backwards, and democracy rather crude and populist - the revolutionaries were intent on bringing Britain into the emerging European technocratic superstate. They managed this by 1973 through the rather bizarre single-mindedness of Conservative Prime Minister Ted Heath, and ever since that date, Britain’s democratic, economic and legal institutions have been subordinate to the undemocratic, unaccountable European machine.

On 5th June 1975 the first UK-wide referendum in the nation’s history was held, launched by a Labour government to decide whether to remain in the EEC. The use of a referendum was a get-out clause for the Labour Party which abandoned its previous manifesto commitments to keep Britain out of the European project. Not for the last time, Britain’s parliamentary democracy was sacrificed for party interests, and the revolutionary referendum device was used in its stead to keep unrepresentative MPs in their seats. The Conservative Party led and ultimately won the campaign to remain a member of the EEC, ensuring Britain’s subordination to Europe to this day.

One prominent supporter of the Remain campaign was a certain Margaret Thatcher, who appeared on TV screens with her colourful ‘nine flags’ jumper; a display of solidarity with the other nations of the EEC. Four years later she would be Prime Minister, during which time Britain would become ever more radically integrated into the European project. Although critical of aspects of political integration Thatcher was a huge proponent of the Single Market: the free movement of goods, capital and people was after all very much in-fitting with her economic outlook. In 1986 she signed the Single European Act, to prepare to bring Britain into the Single Market.

This was all part of a wider revolution to bring about a particularly global, finance and service-based brand of capitalism (aka ‘globalisation’); one that would do away not just with national industry but with the more local and intimate forms of capitalism and private enterprise that had previously been the bedrock of British prosperity and individual liberty. The capitalism of the local shopkeeper or the independent tradesman had little place in this new order. The new order belonged to bankers, corporate CEOs and multinationals, operating across national borders with impunity.

As this new economy based on financial services, asset wealth and ‘funny money’ took off in the cities, national industry was gradually abandoned with industries being asset stripped and sold mostly to foreign competitors. Core infrastructure soon followed. Eventually, this infrastructure would largely be under foreign control and run for foreign profit, including such core elements as energy generation, the national grid and the railways. Steel and coal would henceforth be imported in enormous quantities from Communist China, the chief beneficiary of Britain’s de-industrialisation.

The country started to look very different: huge corporate glass skyscrapers began to dominate city skylines once furnished by steeples, historical landmarks and grand civic structures. London's skyline is an excellent and tragic example of this. It is astonishing to think that as late 1962 St. Paul's Cathedral was the tallest building in London, which only got its first real skyscraper in the form of the NatWest Tower in 1980.

A skyline which for centuries belonged to buildings like St. Paul's Cathedral, the Houses of Parliament and Tower Bridge now belongs to buildings dubbed The Shard and The Gherkin; a very garish and telling symbol of the sudden rise to dominance of global finance over the nation's democratic, civic and social institutions, and the marginalisation both of Britain as a nation state and of its people.

These changes were equally dramatic in the surrounding towns, where local grocers, bakeries, butchers and fishmongers largely disappeared, to be replaced by ugly chain supermarkets on the edge of town.

As employment retreated into urban financial centres, families migrated away from traditional towns and communities to live in the new sprawling suburbs. People would no longer live in the old, intimate and often quite self-contained communities which had rooted generations in a sense of time, place and continuity; instead they would live in the new commuter towns, in a world where everything was new and rootless, and where base consumerism would fill the void left by the loss of community life and public space. Huge swathes of South-East England became essentially a commuter belt for the City of London.

Coherent working-class communities within cities themselves were lost to gentrification and immigration; the British working-class were shipped out to 'new towns' and housing schemes; out of sight and out of mind for gentrified urban progressives. Generations meanwhile began to live apart as the elderly were left stranded in the de-populated old towns, stripped of young life; another aspect to the atomisation of family and wider community breakdown. It was a world flipped on its head: core national infrastructure was run for private foreign profit, while childcare and care for the elderly were nationalised as mothers were forced out of homes and into the workplace.

The ugly consequences of the cultural and economic revolutions manifested themselves most strongly in the working-class communities of the old industrial heartlands. Apparently to the great surprise of Lord Tebbit, entire communities of men who had spent their lives in mines and factories did not suddenly don business suits, begin flogging asset portfolios and business solutions and become bold entrepreneurs of the new market economy.

Instead, in the absence of the old, serious jobs, once proud working-class communities slipped into a culture of welfare and dependency, ghettoization, crime, generational poverty, alcohol and drug abuse and general family and social breakdown, all things actively endorsed by government legislation. The old industrial Left declined with them, and the left-wing was taken over entirely by the largely middle-class, university educated, trendy intellectuals who now dominate all major parties. The British working-class were abandoned, left to their condition and have never been represented since.

Decades of such constitutional, economic and social destruction set the stage for the emergence of the most notorious constitutional vandal and revolutionary of them all: from 1997 Tony Blair’s New Labour government launched an unprecedented campaign of reform that effectively ended what was then almost three centuries of UK parliamentary union and democracy. By 1999, he had through the unconstitutional referendum device balkanized and carved up the UK into a number of petty statelets, each with their own ‘parliament’ or assembly and national leader. UK citizens would no longer share a common parliament, be governed by common legislation or work towards a common purpose: the ‘four nations’, as the UK was increasingly spoken of, began to part ways. Power after power has been handed to the devolved assemblies by the mainstream unionist parties since the onset of devolution, chipping away constantly at the Union.

The social and cultural fabric of Britain would also change more radically in the Blair era than any other. The ‘permissive society’ reached new depths: drug laws went increasingly unenforced and casual use of ‘soft’ drugs became socially acceptable and widespread, crime went increasingly unpunished, families increasingly disintegrated and all traditional sources of order and morality from the national churches to grandparents were either by design or by accident marginalised and scorned. PC culture and the mantras of equality and diversity tightened their grip on the school system, the universities and the civil service. Britain became very clearly a multicultural country as immigration hit record levels year on year. As an ardent Europhile, Blair integrated the UK further and further into the EU through the Amsterdam, Nice and Lisbon treaties.

Decades of deindustrialisation had by this point heralded the transition to a finance and service economy. A generation whose grandparents could buy a house and raise a family on a single income from a manual job were now discovering that even a university degree could not rescue them from a life of part-time work in call centres and coffee shops. Despite this the false narrative of progress and the myth of modern prosperity continue to be pedalled by the political, media and civil establishment.

These political, social and economic trends would continue under Cameron’s Conservative government, which also adopted Blair’s use of the referendum device and extended its use almost to the point of total rule through referendum. In 2011, Cameron launched a referendum proposing the abolition of our centuries-old electoral system and its replacement with a continental model of that would have left us with perpetual Labour-Tory coalition government; thankfully the electorate rejected it.

Then in 2012, the Conservative government announced a referendum to be held in Scotland proposing the break-up of the United Kingdom, despite them having absolutely no mandate from the electorate to do so. There was no mention of it in their manifesto, and they were elected on a commitment to maintain the Union. Yet they launched the Scottish independence referendum at a time when the SNP held just six seats at Westminster, after the Scottish people gave an overwhelming mandate to maintain the Union in the General Election of 2010 - the only election in which a mandate can be sought on constitutional matters.

The referendum was announced by David Cameron on a TV show on 8th January 2012 with no parliamentary debate - a sad and very tacky statement of how frivolously our national unity and democratic process were now regarded. The incredibly radical, revolutionary and plainly unconstitutional idea that the United Kingdom could be broken up in this manner was accepted almost without challenge by a population that had now come to accept this sort of arbitrary, make-it-up-as-you-go-along style of government, and the general collapse of authority and the rule of law. The Conservative government’s launch of this referendum heralded the era of the mass nationalist movement in Scotland, created the Yes campaign where none existed previously, and in a moment created the tribal Scottish politics we all know and must endure today.

The referendum device has now of course been brought to UK-level politics in a similar manner to Scotland. Just as UKIP were about to elect a contingent of committed anti-EU MPs to parliament, the EU referendum was announced and the question of Europe was divorced from the 2015 General Election. It was guaranteed that regardless of the result of the referendum, the old pro-EU establishment would remain in charge - all thanks to a referendum launched by the Europhile David Cameron. The circus of backstabbing, changing loyalties and personality clashes we now see unfolding before us today is the predictable consequence of expecting this old Europhile establishment to restore Britain's sovereignty. May's proposed deal would see us pay billions to Brussels, remain chained in the Customs Union, subordinate to EU laws and regulations and with Northern Ireland left abandoned in the sphere of Dublin and Brussels. This is hardly what the British people voted for.

It is this narrative, from the cultural revolution of the late 60s to the Brexit betrayal of today; this critique of the broad national direction Britain has been led down for 50 years under the Labour and Conservative parties, that lays the foundations for us as a party. There is no use in a hollow Unionism which views the United Kingdom as nothing more than a constitutional arrangement, and has no interest in all the values, institutions and common bonds that nationhood is built upon; that used to define Britain. We must therefore talk about the forbidden issues: devolution, EU vassalage, de-industrialisation, debt, immigration, the family, abortion, border control, secularisation, atomisation; all these trends that define the loss of our old way of life; our old social patterns and common bonds that Britain was built upon; that created a social peace that worked for the British people.

I have said a lot of heavy things in this speech; as a good Scots presbyterian I don't really lend myself very well to being cheery and chirpy. But to close on a positive note, what we are doing is something very proactive and very positive; and it is all based upon fundamentally good and deeply cherished principles. In forming a UK Unionist party, operating on a UK-wide basis with a broad manifesto for Britain, we are doing something new and exciting. It's different, and we will offer a real alternative to a large portion of the electorate that is fed up with the usual options; either the establishment parties or rather shallow single-issue protest parties.

We've done a lot of good work with a small, dedicated team to develop a serious and professional image, and I look forward to a new chapter as we begin to build active branches here in Northern Ireland.

The government is using EU rules to tender out contracts for three Royal Fleet Auxiliary ships to foreign builders - even though we are supposed to be leaving in a few weeks time!

We demand that all Royal Navy vessels, including Royal Fleet Auxiliary vessels, should be built in Britain. The RFA is one of the five fighting arms of the Royal Navy, and its ships should be built to the highest standards on our own shipyards using our own steel.

Escaping the EU's competition laws will give Britain a chance to rebuild its industries. We support re-establishing British Steel and British Shipbuilders to rebuild our Royal Navy and provide skilled industrial jobs to the parts of the country where they are needed most.

Our policy of building Royal Navy ships in Britain is just part of our wider set of values and policies to Rebuild Britain: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic and Functional. If you agree with our Ten Point Plan then help us build a real opposition that will take on the establishment parties and campaign to get out the EU and rebuild our country.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

ISIS bride Shamima Begum, who left the United Kingdom to join the genocidal terrorist group, wants to return here so she can get free care for her and her baby on the NHS.

She is just one of dozens of ISIS brides and hundreds of fighters who could attempt to return to the UK now they have been totally defeated in Iraq and Syria. We say that the security of the British people must come first, and that none of these extremists should be allowed to come back and put the lives of ordinary people at risk.

Secure borders are just part of our wider set of values and policies to Rebuild Britain: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic and Functional. If you agree with our Ten Point Plan then help us build a real opposition that will take on the establishment parties and campaign to get out the EU and rebuild our country.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Theresa May's appalling backstop proposals for Northern Ireland bring home more than ever the need for a strong UK Unionist stance in the Brexit negotiations. It is quite astonishing that in such a major national issue, such a basic value as the very territorial integrity of the United Kingdom itself has been so absent in the process so far.

How did it reach this point where the government could think it is acceptable to sacrifice Britain's unity to Brussels, in exchange for a 'worst of both worlds' deal that leaves us paying billions to Brussels every year and chained to the EU's Customs Union, while at the same time erecting a new border down the Irish Sea to sever Northern Ireland from the rest of the United Kingdom and force it into regulatory alignment with Dublin and Brussels?

For decades now successive governments have been carving up and balkanising the United Kingdom through the devolution process, and in doing so retreating from the very concept of a unitary British nation. In Scotland power after power has been handed to the Scottish 'parliament', creating a devolved assembly with powers that go massively beyond its original remit granted following the 1997 referendum. A similar trend can be seen in Wales, while in Northern Ireland Stormont has repeatedly been left empty and barren of government for years at a time as opposition parties are unable to come to agreement in the mandatory coalition system. This of course should hardly be surprising - the entire purpose of Sinn Fein as a party is to make the Union fail, and that is abundantly clear from their refusal to participate constructively in the devolved coalition system.

This is the backdrop to Theresa May's backstop proposals for Northern Ireland, which treat it as somehow 'alien' and 'other' to the rest of the United Kingdom. Too many London governments have viewed Northern Ireland as a place apart, and indeed Scotland and Wales also. The EU also has its hand in these trends; its notorious regionalisation plans contributed at least in part to the roll-out of devolution across the UK under Tony Blair's first New Labour government. As fierce opponents of the traditional nation state system, the last thing Eurocrats want to see is a strong and united UK, serving as a bulwark against the centralising power centre in Brussels.

This should highlight all the more to proponents of Britain's sovereignty the need for a truly UK Unionist exit from the European Union. We must assert firmly the unitary, indivisible integrity of the United Kingdom; a defining feature of our constitution written into the unions of 1707 and 1801. Our message to Brussels must be clear: Britain's unity is not for sale.

This UK Unionist perspective is absolutely central to a successful exit from the EU. The mandate to leave after all was a UK-wide mandate, delivered from our parliamentary perspective most decisively in the June 2017 General Election, when 86% of MPs were elected on manifesto commitments to leave the EU, Single Market and Customs Union including all Labour, Conservative and DUP MPs.

We are unique amongst anti-EU parties in asserting these UK Unionist principles, including the need for a sovereign and secure border with the Republic of Ireland where customs and identity checks will be applied as they would at any ordinary international border. If there is one core principle above all else that is central to restoring our sovereignty, it is this: we must leave the EU as One United Kingdom. No internal borders, no backstop, and no part of the United Kingdom left behind.

One of the most vital arguments behind leaving the European Union was to reclaim control of our borders. Why then do UKIP, Tory Brexiteers and the DUP all insist that our one land border with a neighbouring country remains entirely open and unchecked?

That's a serious question and the fact that it has been entirely absent from public debate says a lot about just why we refuse to get involved in the post-referendum circus or throw our weight behind the likes of UKIP or Jacob-Rees Mogg. Kipperish, Tory-lite Brexiteers were always stuck in the post 60s mantra of borderless Britain and this is abundantly clear in their proposed borderless Brexit.

One great litmus test in this regard is the 'Irish border question'. The Republic of Ireland is the one country with which the United Kingdom shares a land border. And now UKIP, Tory Brexiteers and the DUP, having campaigned to leave the EU on the grounds that we must control our borders, turn round and tell us that our sole border should remain an entirely open border!

According to UKIP, Rees-Mogg types and the DUP this is "controlling our borders"!

They take this position on the grounds that Britain and the Republic of Ireland have an open border area, the Common Travel Area, that predates the EU by several decades. And that much is true. Their reasoning however falls apart when one considers that the Common Travel Area was only ever instituted on the condition that the Irish Republic would exactly mirror British immigration policy and form a common immigration area, for obvious reasons. And they did so from the 1920s through till the present day, and both nations have of course been part of the European open borders project now for several decades with common mass immigration policies.

If however Britain leaves the EU and wishes to end decades of mass immigration, and the Irish Republic continues its present course of both EU membership and mass immigration, then obviously the common immigration policy that the Common Travel Area depends upon is no longer there. What on earth is the point in leaving the EU only to maintain a sizeable, entirely open and unchecked land border with a neighbouring country that is part of the EU and which is open to free movement from the entire continent? What would be the point of patrol vessels in the English channel or border guards at British ports and airports when any European (or non-European) immigrant could simply stroll into the United Kingdom from the Republic of Ireland across a non-existent border?

In the unlikely event of some sort of Tory-UKIP coalition government pushing through a Kipperish, Tory-lite borderless Brexit, Northern Ireland would become the gateway into Britain for the entire continent of Europe and any other non-European immigrant able to make the borderless journey to the Republic of Ireland. And they wouldn't need to produce so much as a drivers licence to enter the United Kingdom!

The DUP, who are stuck in a sort of parochial Ulster nationalism rather than a UK Unionist perspective, should know better. They very rightly complain at the different treatment Northern Ireland has been shown through May's backstop proposals, which would force the region into regulatory alignment with the Irish Republic. And yet at the same time they call for their own special little arrangement with the Irish Republic when it comes to the border question; to be part of the UK yet to blur seamlessly into a neighbouring country to the extent that you would not even know when you do cross over into the United Kingdom.

As UK Unionists our position is clear. The Irish border is not some regional issue for the DUP, Sinn Fein and the Irish government to demand their own ambiguous arrangement over. That 'Irish border' is the United Kingdom border; it is an international border and it is therefore important. It must be visibly staffed, secure and apply customs and identity checks on an entry/exit basis.

Unless Ulster Unionists are happy to see passport checks introduced when crossing the Irish Sea (and that did happen as a result of the Common Travel Area for a brief period following the Second World War when Irish and British immigration policy diverged) then they must accept that they are part of a common immigration, free movement area called the United Kingdom, and separate from the Irish Republic's. The only other alternative is that we continue to be borderless Britain, and allow unchecked immigration into the United Kingdom whether or not we leave the EU.

We have always been deeply critical of the sort of hollow Brexit proposed by UKIP and Tory Brexiteers. We are uninterested in the post-referendum circus. All the Leave figureheads are fully signed up supporters of the 'New Britain': multicultural, secular, service sector, open border and entirely uninterested in all the responsibilities and functions of nationhood. If they dispute this, ask them what is their stance on the United Kingdom's sole land border?

While the post-referendum circus rolls on, we will continue to stay out of it and state what we have stated clearly all along: that the only way to leave the EU and reclaim meaningful national sovereignty is to elect a majority of MPs committed to doing so. MPs elected on a manifesto that recognises the unitary, indivisible nationhood of the United Kingdom and its territorial integrity.

That's why we stand on a broad manifesto to rebuild Britain as a Sovereign, Industrial, Unitary, Democratic and Functional country; a Britain that is something like the country that we used to know. If you agree, then Sign Up and help us do it.

It is little wonder that our NHS is in crisis when it run by a class of highly-salaried bureaucrats and our politicians treat it like an international health service, not a national health service for the British people.

If we want to rebuild an NHS that is fit for purpose with the highest standards of patient care, a core part of that is putting matrons back in control of hospital wards. Our hospitals were run far better when matrons were in charge who had years, often decades of personal experience in cleanliness, ward management and patient care.

Bring back matrons; reinstate State Enrolled Nurses; end health tourism and cut the bloated class of middle-management - we need these common sense policies to sort out our NHS now.

Our policies to sort out the NHS are just part of our wider set of values and policies to Rebuild Britain: Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic and Functional. If you agree with our Ten Point Plan then help us build a real opposition that will take on the establishment parties and campaign to get out the EU and rebuild our country.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Theresa May is persevering with a deal that will force us to pay tens of billions of pounds to the EU, leave our borders open to free movement for years to come and turn us into a colony of Brussels, forced to obey its laws and regulations.

Now more than ever we need a serious, sensible and electable party that will campaign to get Britain out of the EU as part of a broad manifesto to rebuild our country. Petitions, street demos, referendums and legal challenges do precisely nothing to change who holds power or threaten the Labour-Tory establishment. We believe there's only one show in town: a General Election. If we are to get out the EU and rebuild our country, we must take on the Labour and Conservative parties with a view - in time - to defeating them and electing a majority of anti-EU MPs. Not, as parties like UKIP do, with a view to being single-issue coalition partners. For 50 years our country has been shutting down under the Labour and Conservative parties. We must now get out the EU and rebuild it. If you agree with our Ten Point Plan to Rebuild Britain, join and help us build a serious alternative that will campaign for a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Traditional and Functional; a Britain that is something like the country that we used to know.

1. UK Unionism

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

"The nations of Europe should be guided towards the superstate without their people knowing what is happening. This can be accomplished by successive steps each disguised as having an economic purpose, but which eventually and irreversibly lead to federation."

- Jean Monnet.

During the dark days at the beginning of the Second World War in 1940, when it became obvious that the German blitzkrieg was about to overwhelm the French Army, a little known political economist called Jean Monnet proposed that, in order to keep the Allied war effort going, there should be a political union between the United Kingdom and France in a Franco-British Union that would see France become part of the United Kingdom.

This plan was put to Winston Churchill by the newly appointed French Defence Minister in Paul Reynaud’s government, Charles de Gaulle, an equally little known junior general, at a meeting in London on June 16th 1940. Churchill was sceptical (as was de Gaulle) but eventually agreed and de Gaulle rang Reynaud at 4.30PM that afternoon. He agreed to put this proposition to the French cabinet. This he did, but by this time, many elements in the French government and military High Command had become overwhelmed by defeatism, conditioned by several factors, such as anger at the perceived betrayal by the British for leaving the French Army on the beaches of Dunkirk (in fact 100,000 French servicemen had also been rescued) and, it must be said, an anti-Semitic feeling in certain quarters (Philippe Petain and Pierre Laval were two notable examples). A ‘peace’ faction grew up around Petain that perpetrated the myth that France’s military disaster was ‘the work of the Jews’ and that France had been betrayed and abandoned by the British. Petain asserted that Britain was as good as defeated anyway and the proposed joining of the two countries would therefore be ‘fusion with a corpse’. Another cabinet member said ‘Better be a Nazi province. At least we know what that means’. Consequently, the Cabinet rejected the union plan, France’s military position deteriorated rapidly and Reynaud resigned, to be replaced by Petain, who sought an armistice with the Germans.

The idea of the sovereign states of Europe being joined into one country, a United States of Europe was certainly not new. In the Twentieth Century, this idea had first been seriously proposed in Wilhelmine Germany, during the First World War. Germany was to be the centre of a unified European bloc consisting of the defeated nation states of Europe, who would have their economies controlled from Berlin and run to benefit Germany. Political power was to be centralised in Germany. Military defeat in 1918 forestalled this plan, but the concept remained in the minds of certain intellectuals, military men and economists in Germany.

If Hitler had won the Second World War, he would have imposed a version of a Europe united under the military domination of Germany, with the nation states of Europe being reduced to vassals with mere cypher governments that run them for the benefit of Germany. However, as the war progressed and it became completely clear to the German High Command after the German defeat at the tank Battle of Kursk, which took place between 5th July-23rd August 1943, that they were definitely going to lose the war, they began to make preparations for how Germany could rise as a country, and indeed dominate Europe, in the post war world. To this end, the High Command held a series of meetings in 1944, the most important of which was held at the Hotel Maison in Strasbourg on 10th August. We know about these meetings because a French spy had penetrated them and wrote ‘The Red House Report’ on them for Allied Intelligence.

The Strasbourg meetings were attended by an elite group of German industrialists (including representatives from Volkswagen, Krupp and Messerschmitt), as well as certain elements from the military (Army and Navy) and the Ministry of Armaments. These industrialists were to work with the Nazi Party to rebuild Germany's economy by sending money through Switzerland. They would build up a network of front companies around the globe. It was decided that, unlike the Third Reich, the new Germany would control Europe economically rather than militarily. After Germany was defeated in 1945, powerful ex-Nazi bankers, industrialists and civil servants, reborn as democrats, penetrated every sphere of life in the new post war Germany. Some of the leading figures in the Nazi economy became leading builders of the European Union. There they worked for a new cause: European economic and political integration, the creation of a European Union.

Other members of the Nazi elite were also involved in the planning for the post war German financial European hegemony . Otto Ohlendorf, a highly educated, intelligent lawyer and economist, attached to the Ministry of Economics, was one such person. He became interested in the works of another German economist called Ludwig Erhard. Erhard had written a lengthy treatise on the transition to a post-war economy after Germany's defeat. Erhard considered how German industry could expand its reach across the shattered nation states of the European continent. The answer, he thought, was through supranationalism, or the voluntary surrender of national sovereignty to an external central international body. The stage was set for the next 45 years of Germany’s (aided by their old enemy, now ally, France) attempts to build their new informal empire-the European Union.

Germany wasn’t the only European country in which the concept of European Unity was taken up. After 1945, French political economist, Jean Monnet remembered the concept of European unity that his Franco-British Union proposal of 1940 was similar to. After the liberation of France, Monnet headed a government committee to prepare a comprehensive plan for the reconstruction and modernisation of the French economy. On January 11th 1947, the Monnet Plan was adopted by the French government, with Monnet himself appointed as commissioner-general of the National Planning Board. In May 1950, he and the French Foreign Minister, Robert Schuman, proposed the establishment of a common European market for coal and steel by countries willing to delegate their powers over these industries to an external authority. Six countries, France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg, signed the treaty in 1951 that set up the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). From 1952 to 1955 Monnet served as the president of the ECSC’s High Authority. The ECSC inspired the creation of the European Economic Community, or Common Market, in 1957.

Germany and France were to become the main drivers behind the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the precursor to the European Union. Ostensibly, it created a common market for coal and steel which it regulated. The real motivation behind its creation was to set a vital precedent for the steady erosion of national sovereignty, a process that continues to the present day.

Hermann Abs, post-war Germany's most powerful banker, had prospered in the Third Reich. He joined the board of Deutsche Bank, Germany's biggest bank, in 1937. Abs was one of the most important figures in Germany's post-war reconstruction. It was largely thanks to him that, just as the Red House Report sets out , a strong post war Germany was built, one which could go on to form the European Union over which she could dominate. Abs was put in charge of allocating Marshall Aid reconstruction funds to German industry. By 1948 he was effectively managing Germany's economic recovery. Crucially, Abs was also a member of the European League for Economic Co-operation, an elite intellectual pressure group set up in 1946. The league was dedicated to the establishment of a common market, the precursor of the European Union. It’s members included key industrialists and financiers and it developed policies that are strikingly familiar today-on monetary integration (I.E. the Euro) and common transport, energy and welfare systems.

In 1957, the six members of the ECSC signed the Treaty of Rome, which set up the European Economic Community. The treaty further liberalised trade and established increasingly powerful supranational institutions including the European Parliament and European Commission.

The Germans and French, abetted by other European countries that had been drawn into the scheme based on spurious economic cooperation arguments, then continued to build their European superstate that they both wanted in the years that followed the Treaty of Rome, as envisaged by both the Nazi elite and their French counterparts like Monnet. The basic plan they followed echoed that of Monnet’s idea, laid out in the quote at the top of this article. Each step of the process of building the European superstate, controlled centrally in Brussels, with the Germans the real power behind the throne, was presented as merely sensible economic cooperation, not an attempt at political union. In this way, the member states were persuaded to cede their national sovereignty to the putative new superstate in a slow, piecemeal fashion. This plan worked well for four decades following the Treaty of Rome in 1957, with small steps towards political integration taking place at certain intervals leading up the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 when the European Economic Community formally became the European Union.

The United Kingdom joined the European Economic Community in 1973. Our membership was confirmed in a referendum two years later. The Prime Minister of the day, Harold Wilson (we had been taken into the EEC by Ted Heath without consulting either the electorate or Parliament in 1973) presented the case for membership as a simple case of joining an economic bloc that held the prospect of offering us many economic benefits. That was all. The EEC was just a trading bloc and nothing else. Except for the fact that the entire case for joining the EEC was based on a massive deception by the Wilson government. He had deliberately completely misled the public of the UK over the real nature of the bloc.

Before the UK had joined, Heath had been presented with a dossier, FCO 30/1048, on the EEC that explicitly laid out the full implications of membership. This included several ominous and very concerning implications of membership, including the admission that the ultimate aim of the bloc was full political union with the resulting total loss of national sovereignty of the member states, creating a federal country called the United States of Europe with all power centralised in Brussels. With this knowledge in mind, Heath deliberately misled and deceived the public and Parliament and publicly stated that the EEC was purely a trading bloc with no implications for our national sovereignty. Wilson also kept up this deception in 1975. Based on this substantial misrepresentation, the public voted to stay in the bloc in the referendum held to confirm our membership in 1975.

The aim of the European project has always been to create a political union, it was never simply about economic cooperation. It’s origins lie in the murky machinations of the geopolitics of the Twentieth Century and a desire by Germany to create European hegemony for itself. It is not the benign mutual benefit organisation that’s no threat to national sovereignty that it, and its proponents, present it as. Theories about its origins in Wilhelmine and Nazi Germany to one side, the actions of the EU over the last 40 years have made it completely clear that political union is the real aim of the bloc-the Euro, the European Army, several centralised policy areas like farming and fishing all bear witness to this. What’s also clear is that this proto-country, the United States of Europe, is a disaster waiting to happen. The Eurozone is falling apart as its economy fails and its member states become increasingly more fractious. Anti-EU feeling is rising in Italy, France, the Czech Republic and other states are showing signs of discontent with the bloc. Anti-EU parties have either won serious power, or are very popular with the public in Italy and France. Everywhere in Europe there is a growing tide of anger and sense of disenfranchisement being directed at the unelected bureaucrats of Brussels. The electorates of Europe have woken up to the real aims of EU and they don’t like it. We here in the UK have also seen through the false promises of the bloc and want out. Considering what we know about the origins and intentions of the EU, it isn’t at all surprising.

© 2018 Stephen Bailey.

Britain is set to hand £98,000,000 in Foreign Aid to India - a country with its own space programme! This is just a small chunk of the £14.1 Billion in Foreign Aid we hand out annually across the world. A lot of it goes straight into the pockets of corrupt regimes, and that's not to mention the £8.8 Billion net contributions we make annually to the EU!

We say it is a national disgrace that this money is being thrown away when thousands of pensioners across Britain have to choose between heating and eating at this time of year. Our pensioners are the generation who built this country, and modern politicians have no right to throw it all away.

That's why we say it is time for a new party that will stop foreign aid, get us out the EU and start putting our pensioners and the British people first.

We started a new series of graphics in the New Year. You can check them out along with some of our other graphics from January below:

We agree with Enoch Powell when he said that "it is never too late to save your country".

After decades of destruction and national dissolution by the establishment parties, people are understandably losing hope. Many have resigned themselves to the atomised, rootless, borderless, subordinate, multicultural, secular, service sector 'New Britain' pursued by the Labour and Conservative parties.

We, however, have not given up. That's why we stand on a broad manifesto of opposition to what has been done to our country. We advocate for a Britain that is Sovereign, Industrial, United, Democratic, Traditional and Functional. A Britain that is something like the country we used to know.

If you agree with our Ten Point Plan then help us build a real opposition that will take on the establishment parties and campaign to get out the EU and rebuild our country.

1. UK Unity

2. Leave the EU

3. No More Referendums

4. End Mass Immigration

5. Rebuild Infrastructure

6. Rebuild Industry

7. Fiscal Responsibility

8. Family Values

9. Get Tough on Crime

10. Protect Free Speech & Liberties

Theresa May is continuing to persevere with her disastrous deal, which would turn Britain into a mere colony of the EU.

Under her proposed deal Britain would remain chained to the EU's Customs Union and bound by the many rules and regulations of the Single Market. All that would change really is that we would stop sending MEPs to the European parliament. We say that this is unacceptable.

As a party we have always refrained from getting involved in the post-referendum circus. Our position is that a pro-EU parliament dominated by pro-EU parties and pro-EU MPs, most of which campaigned to Remain, will not lead Britain out of the EU. No amount of street demos, petitions, legal challenges or pressure groups will change that.

The only way Britain can reclaim its sovereignty is for a serious, sensible and electable party to contest elections on an anti-EU ticket as part of a broad set of policies to rebuild our country, with a view - in time - to challenging the pro-EU Labour and Conservative parties. That's what we intend to do, and we encourage you to sign up if you agree that this is the way forward.

Sturgeon is up to her usual tricks once again, this time calling not just for one new referendum, but for two. Now she wants the UK to hold another EU referendum on top of another referendum on Scottish independence. Sturgeon is the ultimate sore loser but unfortunately nobody is really taking her to task for her unwarranted interference in the Brexit process. We've therefore outlined ten reasons why Sturgeon has no right to interfere with Britain's exit from the EU.

1. She has no power on constitutional matters

As First Minister at the Holyrood devolved assembly, Sturgeon's competencies do not include constitutional matters, far less UK-wide constitutional matters such as leaving the EU. These are specifically reserved to the common British parliament at Westminster, which retains full and sole authority to legislate on Britain's exit from the EU.

2. She has no mandate on constitutional matters

Because these are specifically reserved to Westminster, a mandate can only be sought on them through a General Election. And the mandate given in the last General Election was a very clear one - 86% of MPs were elected on manifesto commitments to leave the EU, the Single Market and Customs Union, including all Conservative and Labour MPs. By contrast as a devo-politician Sturgeon's mandate can only include devolved matters, given through a Holyrood election. This covers a wide range of issues including health and education, but it does not include a mandate on the Brexit process or, for that matter, Scottish independence.

3. There was a UK-wide vote for a UK-wide issue

Britain's exit from the EU is a UK-wide issue and is being implemented on the basis of a UK-wide vote. This refers not just to the Leave vote in the referendum of June 2016 but also the overwhelming mandate for a clean Brexit given by the electorate in the 2017 snap General Election. As a devo-politician whose powers and mandate are limited only to certain issues in Scotland, Sturgeon has no place to become involved in a UK-wide issue.

4. The Scottish people voted to decide on EU membership on a UK-wide basis

The decisive vote in Scotland to remain part of the United Kingdom in September 2014 was a vote to pursue a common national direction with the rest of the UK, certainly as far as non-devolved issues are concerned. It was well known at the time of the independence referendum that a UK-wide vote on leaving the EU could be held shortly, and the Scottish people made their position clear - the Union that matters above all else is that which binds our United Kingdom together.

5. More Scots voted Leave than for the SNP

At the last General Election the SNP won 977,569 votes, a significant drop which saw them lose twenty-one of their seats in parliament; over one-third of the total they had previously held. By contrast 1,018,322 Scots voted to Leave the EU in the June 2016 referendum. When more Scots voted to Leave the EU than for the SNP, Sturgeon's idea that she has some sort of duty to block Brexit on behalf of Scotland is shown up for the nonsense that it is.

6. Sturgeon's pro-EU views don't even represent her own party

Not only do Sturgeon's Europhile views fails to represent the diversity of opinion in Scotland over the issue, they totally fail even to represent her own party's grassroots. While almost every single SNP MP and MSP is pro-EU, or at least outwardly toes the party line, one-third of SNP voters actually voted to Leave the EU.

7. Her interference damages the UK in the negotiations

Sturgeon's unwelcome and unjustified interference in the Brexit process, including a tour to meet European leaders and EU dignitaries, is a deliberate attempt to undermine the UK in the Brexit negotiations and to present an image of disunity to the EU. She's not the only person up to this of course - Tony Blair has caused quite a bit of controversy recently by doing the very same thing.

8. She's a hypocrite when it comes to "respecting devolution"

Sturgeon has (wrongly) complained a lot about the UK government supposedly failing to "respect devolution" because of the impact of Brexit on devolved issues. Yet Sturgeon, a Scottish devo-politician, has repeatedly poked her nose into Northern Irish affairs, totally failing to respect Northern Ireland's own devolved remit. She has called repeatedly for the United Kingdom to have an "open border" (a misnomer for what is in fact literally no border) with Ireland, and gone so far as to declare that the Irish Republic - a foreign state - and Scotland are allies over Brexit.

9. She's a hypocrite when it comes to powers returning from Brussels

, was for every single one of those powers to remain with Brussels in the first place!

10. She's a hypocrite for supporting the so-called "People's Vote"

Sturgeon has said that we need a "people's vote" for the British people to decide if they would like to change their mind and remain in the EU. Now, just ask yourself this: can you imagine the reaction if, following a Yes vote in 2014, unionist politicians then called for a "people's vote" after two years of independence negotiations in order to reverse the Yes vote? The SNP would scream bloody murder, and it shows just how much contempt they have for British democracy that they are so hypocritical that they will do anything they can to reverse Britain's decision to leave the EU.

There is no question therefore that Sturgeon has no right whatsoever to get involved in Britain's exit from the EU. Sadly nobody is really taking her to task for it because the Holyrood echo-chamber and the wider Scottish media and civil establishment are so hopelessly pliant that they refuse to challenge her and indeed largely support her stance. We hardly hear a peep from the Scottish Tories when it comes to Brexit - perhaps because they continue to oppose a clean Brexit (almost all their MSPs and most of their MPs backed May's deal) and stood literally shoulder-to-shoulder with Sturgeon over the issue to begin with.

There's no point complaining about it if you keep voting the same people into power or if you are cowed by the old chestnut about "splitting the vote". On the big issue of the day nobody is challenging Sturgeon and she is being allowed to set the narrative that Scotland is somehow united against Brexit. That's an outrageous falsehood, and we say it is time there was a political voice prepared to take her to task for it.

SIGN UP IF YOU AGREE

We are sometimes asked why we call for a new party to take on the political establishment and rebuild our country. Some have suggested that UKIP are that party, and that we should join with them to avoid splitting the anti-EU vote. This article, based on a response to somebody who posed those questions, will therefore explain why we are building Union & Sovereignty as a new political alternative, and why we do not believe UKIP are the party to rebuild our country.

First off, it's worth stating that anybody who supports Britain's exit from the EU should give credit where it is due. Under Nigel Farage UKIP brought the issue of Europe to the table and won hearts and minds for British sovereignty, and they did so in spite of very biased and unjust treatment by the political and media establishment. Their victory in the June 2016 referendum was a massive achievement. Since the referendum UKIP have gone down a very different road in terms of policy priorities, but that can be put aside for the purposes of this article.

Why then are we not rallying under the UKIP banner? Most fundamentally we differ from UKIP in that we have a broad narrative and critique of the 'New Britain' project pursued by the Labour/Conservative parties over the past 50 years - de-industrialisation, debt, devolution, widespread referenda to marginalise our parliamentary democracy, social liberalism, secularisation, economic deregulation, multiculturalism and mass immigration. We maintain that we must defeat the Conservative and Labour parties in order to oppose this programme and rebuild our country.

By contrast UKIP are largely a single-issue pro-Brexit party whose strategy was to serve as a sort of pressure group on the Tories over Europe. They do not generally share our broad narrative and largely embrace or at least accept the social liberal, secular, service sector, referendum devo-state 'New Britain' project. This means that they are largely disinterested in many of the things which we view as fundamental to rebuilding Britain, and on a number of issues and principles their values are at odds with ours.

UKIP are for example a libertarian party, as enshrined in their constitution. This means that they embrace social liberalism and the attack by the cultural Left on the traditional married family which has enormously changed Britain's social landscape in recent decades. The Cultural Revolution which began under Labour in the late 60s (no-fault divorce, nationalised childcare, casual abortion etc) is not something UKIP speak about or are interested in challenging. By contrast we are a social conservative party and view the traditional married family as a vital part of Britain's social fabric.

As a libertarian party UKIP also embrace unfettered economic liberalism and are generally in favour of deregulation and international laissez-faire economics; the "Thatcherites in exile". By contrast we support elements of a mixed economy from a pro-nation state/traditional perspective and maintain that core industries, infrastructure and utilities must be controlled and organised on a national basis, and that we must rebuild an industrial economy through measures including tariffs and protectionism, which would be anathema to UKIP's laissez-faire approach. We view national industry and the patterns of stable employment which it provides as essential to the social fabric and the integrity of any nation state (as opposed to multinationals which dominate the service sector). We are highly critical of the transition to a debt-based service sector economy and its social consequences and this is an important part of our manifesto. Our position on the economy, public services etc is therefore quite divergent from UKIP's.

This ties into wider differences with UKIP over Brexit. UKIP are very much signed up to a Jacob Rees-Mogg/Boris Johnson-style libertarian, deregulatory, service sector Brexit. Their focus is on slashing tariffs and opening up trade deals with third world countries and actually embracing and expanding the process of globalisation. Their critique of the EU is based chiefly on the waste and red tape of it all and this is highlighted in their vision of Brexit; it is not concerned chiefly, as our own vision is, with the serious matters of sovereignty, territorial integrity, national self-sufficiency (energy sovereignty; a national economy; nationally-owned core infrastructure etc) and the restoration of the wider nation state system.

Ultimately UKIP went down this road because they were too eager to find a 'shortcut' get out of the EU, even if it meant not doing it properly. UKIP's original position back in the days of Alan Sked was that they must stand on a broad manifesto as a potential party of government and win a mandate to leave the EU through a General Election. That is the correct constitutional position. However they abandoned this for the referendum shortcut and became a pressure group on the Tories, and in doing so entrusted the Brexit process to Theresa May. We take a strict British constitutional position in favour of parliamentary democracy over referendums. The referendum device, introduced by Labour and the Tories, entrusts the result of any referendum to the Labour/Tory establishment and we can see right now what that gets us. Our position is that the only way to leave the EU is for an anti-EU party to win a majority of seats at Westminster; without doing this we will get at best a half-in, half-out fudge.

As a UK Unionist party the constitutional carve-up of the UK through devolution is also an issue of great important to us and something which we strongly oppose; however UKIP's policy on it is very patchy and inconsistent. Their policy in Wales is to support a referendum on abolishing the assembly and not simply to abolish it as a manifesto commitment, although there appears to be disagreement within the party over the issue. In Scotland they have mooted the idea of scrapping MSPs but having Scottish MPs meet at the old parliament building instead to pass legislation for Scotland, which would mean the full retention of legislative devolution. UKIP have always stood on pro-devolution manifestos in Northern Ireland. Our policy in all cases is to seek a mandate for the abolition of devolution through a General Election and not through further referendums; this is an important distinction as the Unionist position is that sovereignty and power over constitutional matters must lie with the British electorate through Westminster.

There are therefore many issues, both general and particular, on which our viewpoint is substantially different from UKIP's. UKIP's strategy has always been to focus on one or two isolated issues: originally Brexit and more recently Islam; while otherwise largely 'going with the flow' with Labour/Tory policy on de-industrialisation, devolution, de-nationalisation (the sell off/marginalisation of core infrastructure, utilities, the Armed Forces etc), social fragmentation/atomisation, the 'permissive society' and the general post 60s Cultural Revolution/New Britain project... in sum the shutting down of Britain as a nation.

On the other hand we stand on a very broad manifesto to Rebuild Britain as a nation based on our narrative of fifty years of destruction and national dissolution under the Labour and Conservative parties. We are the only party that rejects their entire 'New Britain' project and that stands on a broad manifesto to rebuild Britain's constitutional, economic, social and moral foundations. Building this is what matters to us: as the past two-and-a-half-years since the EU referendum show, the rest is just a circus.

CLICK HERE TO SIGN UP IF YOU SHARE OUR VALUES

It was always the aim of the European project, from its inception with the Treaty of Paris, signed on 18th April 1951 between Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, France, Italy and West Germany to establish the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) (which is traditionally regarded as the foundation of the EU because it led to political and economic integration to a certain degree in Western Europe as well as providing the basis for the modern EU) and the March 25th 1957 signing of the Treaty of Rome, to establish a fully integrated federal superstate called the United States of Europe in which the concept of individual national sovereignty for each member state is complexly destroyed and for Europe tobecome a single, centralised political entity ruled from Brussels. Ted Heath knew this full well when he conned the UK public into voting for entry into the then European Economic Community, supposedly just a free trading bloc and nothing else. He had been briefed by the Civil Service that membership would entail the eventual complete loss of the UK’s sovereignty and our eventual absorption into a European superstate. We were sold the European project on a tissue of lies (note well please, Anna Soubry).

This deception continued in subsequent decades with politicians of all parties and political shades signing the UK up to various stages of integration into the EU.

The Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990) was, perhaps, the one notable exception, in many, if not all, aspects. She negotiated a rebate for the UK on its financial contributions to the EEC (as it still was at that time) and generally resisted moves by European politicians to centralise power in Brussels. In 1988 there came the ‘Bruges speech’, often known by the alternative epithet of the ‘No, No, No’ speech after a line taken from it. In this speech she asserted:

‘We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level, with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels.’

This pleased the Eurosceptic wing of the Conservative Party, but dismayed the Europhiles.

However, even she was guilty of aiding European integration to a certain degree. She signed the Single European Act (1986), a treaty that was signed between 12 members of the EEC and which revised the Treaty of Rome and provided the basis for foundation of the single market. It also formalised the European Political Cooperation Agreement, the precursor of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy.

This came against a backdrop of a government split over whether to join the Exchange Rate Mechanism, which harmonised the exchange rate between the currencies of Europe and was supposed to be a precursor to the establishment of the single currency, the Euro, which Thatcher eventually agreed to do in October 1990.

Whilst nominally a Eurosceptic, Thatcher’s successor John Major (Prime Minister 1990-1997) displayed an increasing pro-European tendency as his Premiership progressed. He signed the UK up to the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, after which the EEC (often abbreviated to just EC, or European Community) officially became the European Union.

The New Labour period of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown (1997-2010) witnessed a massive transfer of various powers from the EU to Brussels as the cravenly pro-EU Labour elite sought to aid the creation of a European superstate. They signed over great swathes of the UK’s sovereignty to Brussels in treaties such as those of Amsterdam (1997), Nice (2001) and Lisbon (2007). They were extremely enthusiastic about the single currency, the Euro, but didn’t get round to completing that before losing power to David Cameron in 2010.

Cameron’s (and Theresa May’s from 2016) Premiership (2010-present) saw the continuation of New Labour’s very Europhile approach to relations with the EU (and indeed a continuation of New Labour’s left-liberal policies generally). Cameron continued to keep the UK tied closely to the EU, and he handed over substantial chunks of the UK’s sovereignty to Brussels, before agreeing to a referendum on our membership of the EU after having failed to re-negotiate the terms of our membership with the bloc. He backed Remain, but the country backed Leave, and he resigned as PM, to be succeeded by Theresa May. May was just as much an arch Remainer as Cameron and indeed was probably parachuted into the Premiership by the Remainers in the Conservative Party in order to attempt to sabotage Brexit (she’s been doing a good job of doing that so far).

Theresa May’s Chequers Deal with the EU will leave the post Brexit UK like Vichy France. After the defeat of France by Nazi forces in 1940, an armistice was signed between Germany and France. Paul Reynaud resigned as Prime Minister of the French government and was replaced by the aged Marshall Philippe Petain (who was 85, 20 years older then than Churchill). Petain was a popular figure and hero of the Great War; he had single handedly prevented the collapse of the French army in 1916 when it looked like the German onslaught would finally succeed and was perceived as being quite charismatic and a bit of a womaniser. He was an advocate of ending the war and seeking a peace settlement with the Germans. He was voted in as PM by the French cabinet and immediately sought and secured an armistice and surrendered to the Germans. As part of this peace settlement the Germans occupied only certain parts of Northern France, Paris and certain areas of the West coast (in order to gain access to the ports to base submarines there to harry UK shipping). There was also a fairly large ‘free zone’ in the South, which was not occupied by the Germans and was headed by Petain and Pierre Laval based in the spa town of Vichy: Vichy France.

Vichy France was, in theory, an independent, sovereign country. It’s government could, in theory, decide its own policies on any matter. In reality, it was merely a vassal state of the German Reich that more or less automatically aligned its policies with those of Germany anyway.

This is the situation that would pertain under Theresa May’s Chequers Plan. It would turn the UK into a version of Vichy France: a vassal state of the EU that is technically independent of the bloc but in reality is informally subservient to it and that has its policies on many issues decided in Brussels with Theresa ‘Marshall Petain’ May complying with her EU master’s wishes by aligning the UK’s policies to those of the EU anyway automatically.

The UK public, which has expressed its desire to remain a sovereign nation on several occasions, most notably in the 2016 referendum, has been lied to and covertly forced into the EU superstate by the political and intellectual elite of all political persuasions for a very long time now. The time for complacency is over. If we let the politicians and their allies in the intelligentsia handle matters, we will be betrayed and effectively kept in the EU. The democratic majority must make their voice heard and stand up for what they want: a fully sovereign UK completely free of the EU superstate.

© 2018 Stephen Bailey.

A roundup of some of the graphics we have been sharing on our social media platforms in December, which highlight our values and policies.

The below footage was taken on the streets of West Wickham, South London in 1968. I came across it when a friend shared it on social media and asked "What went wrong?", and that seemed to be a question worth considering.