A Battle of Two Britains

July 27, 2018


British politics of this age is essentially a battle of two Britains. On the one side there are those who want Britain to be recognisably Britain; on the other there are those who want it to be something else.


We can no longer witness a national event without commentators proudly speaking of how it embodies the 'New Britain' we now find ourselves living in, and extolling its many supposed virtues. This New Britain is, we are told, multicultural, secular, liberal, tolerant, progressive; something far different from that which went before, though increasingly they seem to wish to claim even the past for themselves through very dubious rewritings of history. We are force-fed this cultural narrative at every royal wedding, Olympic games or World Cup, which are said to exemplify our brave new society, forged over a few short decades by government, media and civil service.


This New Britain, stripped of its past and its foundations, is a society where everything is new and rootless. It is a consumer world without attachment to time or place, and increasingly even the most basic social bonds of family or community. People increasingly live silo lives, robbed of (and not 'free from' as we are told) responsibilities such as life-long marriage, parenthood or stable careers. The economic and social conditions which allowed people to have those things have been massively and deliberately undermined, a fact which can be seen in everything from liberalisation of family law to the abolition of rent controls. The family landscape is now defined by instability, divorce, childlessness and the institutionalised daycare of the young and the elderly. This hollow social existence is shaped by an equally hollow economy based on debt, speculation and the nebulous and unstable finance and service sectors.


This of course applies only to those who have the means to live as consumers and who can find a place in our modern, low-employment 'service' economy: the remnant of our working-class live only on what the welfare state grants them; itself a mask and a sorry replacement for what was once an industrial economy with near full employment. Meanwhile, an increasingly large portion of our population, as recent arrivals from entirely foreign cultures, have no attachment to the country or our old way of life at all.


Such is the New Britain so beloved by the political, media and civil establishment. The fluffy language of multiculturalism, tolerance and 'progress' provides a veneer of decency and a propaganda narrative to what is essentially a story of disintegration of national, community and family bonds, and the loss of the support and stability which they once provided. Mass immigration, masked as tolerance and multiculturalism, is at heart a source of cheap labour for big business to replace our working-class, with their troublesome demands for a minimum wage and proper contracts. Modern feminism, masked as female empowerment and resisting oppression, turned women from mothers into low-pay office workers while the state and private corporations raise their children for most of the waking day. It is a grotesque reality where the government, media and civil establishment wraps up chaos, atomisation and unrestrained competition and sells it as liberation: part Ayn Rand libertarian fantasy and part Marxist cultural revolution (the twain often seem to meet). It is thoroughly Orwellian.


Against this New Britain stands a Britain that is recognisable to the one we used to know; that is built upon it: the 'Traditional Britain'. This is a Britain where the way of life is shaped by our history and our values, the blend of which is uniquely ours, and defined by such things as Christianity, industry, tradition, family, rootedness in local community; a sense of common experience and purpose expressed and embodied in common national institutions whether largely ceremonial like the monarchy, or practical like a single and sovereign national parliament. It is the Britain that past generations built and fought and died for, and that endured for so long, before it was cast away in a few crazy and chaotic decades by a dedicated, revolutionary political class.


One of these Britains has a future, and one does not. The New Britain which was gradually instituted from the late 60s has in a few short decades been brought to the brink and changed our society and politics beyond recognition. It is now deeply fractured and divided, not just socially but also politically. It's very existence is threatened by aggressive Scottish separatism after two decades of devolutionary carve-up. The ushering in of the chaotic referendum device meanwhile has made our politics resemble that of a third-world failed state where every vote is meaningless, ready to be overturned at the whim of the political class through another referendum or another election held at their discretion. This is not sustainable; it certainly doesn't feel sustainable to a population thoroughly tired of neverendums and betrayal; nor is it pragmatic to attempt to restore the unity and sovereignty of our country on such a flimsy, baseless framework.


It is the Traditional Britain, build upon our national foundations, which does have a future. This is because while the New Britain is inherently based upon chaos and disintegration, the Traditional Britain is built upon strong foundations: national unity and not the carve-up of devolution, national sovereignty and not untamed globalisation and EU vassalage; the family unit and traditional values and not the 'progressive' cultural revolution; serious productive industry and not the hollow economy of debt and speculation.


Though this article is titled 'A Battle of Two Britains', the truth is that for at least the past two decades (the beginning of the Blair era was in many ways a watershed moment) it has been less of a battle than a rout. But while the liberal establishment pushes the narrative of irreversible, unstoppable change, many ordinary people can sense that a pushback is now beginning. The vote to leave the EU was a manifestation of this pushback, even if the politicians can find a way to get out of honouring it.


If we are to reverse decades of destruction and begin to rebuild our country, we must reclaim the country that we used to know. This does not mean travelling back in time, but it does mean building a way forward based upon our foundations and traditions, and recognising that change can at times be change for the worse. The only way to do this is to reject the broad national direction we have been taken down in recent decades. A single issue approach is destined to fail: the broad anti-British revolution of the past 50 years came as a package and it must go as a package. If our country is to have a future in any recognisable form, we must reject it wholesale and begin to rebuild Britain.

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